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THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

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What happened in the gazetting of Kakamega forest, and what happened to the Luhya in<br />

particular, clearly elucidates what many indigenous people in the Tropical World experience<br />

in the realm of environmental and resource decision-making, management and legislation.<br />

This is largely rooted in the colonial administrative and institutional framing process as<br />

evidenced by British system of indirect rule administration, not only in Kenya but also else<br />

where in Africa. For instance, in his writings about Native Administration in the British<br />

Territories, Lord Hailey reported that:<br />

The indigenous communities in resource rich areas such as forests were not involved in the<br />

legislation decision–making process at any level and certainly not in any matters relating to<br />

environment or natural resource management. 685<br />

This same analysis was made by John Cell in response to the British indirect rule regarding<br />

natural resource management in Ghana. He noted that when Ghana was first colonised by the<br />

British, they created a loose system of local governance in regard to the management of<br />

natural resources headed by a chief who was in most cases outside the immediate community<br />

responsible for a defines resource system such as a forest. The chief was an appointee of the<br />

colonial head, the Governor, and was not accountable to the local people he headed. 686 In the<br />

same regard, Delflem who made a comparative study on law enforcement in British Colonial<br />

Africa points out that:<br />

Backed by power of the colonial government in guise of the district commissioner, the<br />

chiefs’ powers of arrest and seizure and control, over allocation and use of forest and other<br />

landed resources were unlimited. His powers were limited by his accountability to the<br />

District Commissioner who was also in turn accountable to a distant colonial official. The<br />

chiefs were therefore relatively free to exploit their subjects. 687<br />

Therefore the above expositions explain the current flaws in the forest management in<br />

Tropical regions in general and Kakamega in particular. We are specifically talking about<br />

what happens to resource communities in the realm of institutionalism and management of<br />

forest and other related environmental resources. Like the Luhya of Kakamega, many of the<br />

communities around forests often wake up to the inconvenient truth from the government<br />

policy making machinery, informing them to give up their resource rights and interests,<br />

without prior consultation or involvement in the gazetting process. Indeed lack of<br />

participation in the decision-making process is one of the key issues of concern that was<br />

raised by many of the local community elders in Kakamega. This is especially important in<br />

natural resources decision-making and management, since most of the local people often find<br />

their livelihoods being part of the protected areas such as Kakamega forest.<br />

685<br />

Hailey, L. 1951. Native Adminstration in the British African Teritories: A genaral Survey of the System of<br />

Administration Part iv. London: His Majesty’s Stationary office 34. Pp 358-361<br />

686<br />

Cell, J.W. 1970. The Britsh Colonial Admisntration in the Ninteenth Century. The Policy Making Process.<br />

New Haven:Yale University Press.<br />

687<br />

Deflem, M. 1994. British Colonial Africa: A comparative Analysis of Imperial Polcing in Nyasaland, The<br />

Gold Coast and Kenya. London: Sage. Pp 53-55.<br />

186

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