THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

with one of the Tirirki elders, the study learnt that due to the strict local ecological knowledge
programme in the area, the behaviour of the local people in these localities is different. 661
Parallel to the above, throughout the entire period of fieldwork, one could not fail to observe
the negative perception that the local population had towards both the national laws and the
formal enforcement mechanisms. Up to 78% of the respondents depicted that they had no
knowledge of the national laws regarding access to forestry biodiversity resources, but knew
about the forest wardens. The answer to this was attained by asking local respondents whether
they had particular knowledge of laws that govern access to forestry resources in Kakamega.
It was also evident that there was an open acrimony between the local population and the
forest wardens. Many respondents interviewed by the study expressed a clear grasp of the
penalties that would befall them if the forest wardens got hold of them. It was also interesting
to find out that the majority of respondents admitted that acts such as charcoal burning,
harvesting of plant species and tree cutting were illegal. Locals were also frequently heard
remarking that they have problems with paying their debts and meeting other monetary
obligations. Such arguments were used in the condemning of forest officials. The remarks
used in the condemnation of the forestry officials were in form of social and economic justice.
Both constructions represent a kind of moral condemnation, referring to norms concerning
“right” and “wrong” methods of forest resource usage, ultimately leading us to issues of
rational choice institutionalism and bio-ethics. However, we may argue that this is the
ecological insight of the Kakamega locals and that is their way of constructing arguments
representing a conflict of economic, social and to some extent cultural institutional interests.
In evaluating the interface between local ecological knowledge and perceptions of national
laws regarding the protection of forestry biodiversity, it can be summed that while scientific
scholars view ecological knowledge in a rather neutral perspective, local people residing
around the forest resource areas in Kakamega, are to a given extent involved in a world of
conflicting institutional interests. It was also found out that varied sections of the local
population viewed or perceived the formal resource regimes as very much in conflict with
their economic and social interests. For instance, in the study we asked the respondents what
their views were, as regards the national laws that are used in the management of national
forestry biodiversity.
The essence of the above question was to gauge local perceptions regarding the formal legal
regimes that govern biodiversity in places around Kakamega forest. Up to 61.64% answered
that they felt the national laws (laws enforced by forest wardens) were unfavorable to their
cultural, social and economic interests. When further probed to find out whether the forestry
authorities knew about these varied interests, 63% of the respondents said that the forestry
authorities knew about their cultural and social and economic interests, while 36% informed
the researcher that the forest authorities did not know about their varied interests.
661 Field Interview No.6 15 July 2006.
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