THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

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plants, animals and their natural history. 658 Local ecological knowledge also involves studying of peoples’ traditional lifestyles which in a way offers many lessons in the management of resources, particularly in forestry ecosystems. Capta observed that ecosystems sustain themselves in a dynamic balance based on cycles and fluctuations in a non-linear process. 659 Therefore, talking about traditional ecological knowledge involves the ecological awareness that arises when we combine rational knowledge with intuitive wisdom. This is characteristic of traditional non-literate culture. In this sub-section we wish to investigate the role of traditional knowledge in shaping biodiversity resource management institutions. For instance, what shapes the varied interpretations of different tree and animal species in and around Kakamega forest? How relevant is it to compare these interpretations with those given by the national forest conservatory services? Local ecological knowledge models followed by the people around Kakamega forest are buttressed in Luhya old traditions regarding this bio-region. 660 The local ecological knowledge surrounding the forest has in many ways continues to evolve. Observations and experiences continue to be accumulated through generations. It was striking to note that local directories used to document various plants and animals species, contained many more species that did not appear in some of the recent national forest directories. On the contrary the people living around these forests argued that these plant and animal species have been seen for decades. It is further imperative to note that, the local population is knowledgeable about the species that are threatened and facing extinction, yet the forest management service is not. While in practice the local population was more conversant with the informal local ecological knowledge in these localities, they have a faint grasp of the trend and scientifically related discussions regarding the natural biota in their region. Similarly, they had no clear comprehension of the formal legal regimes regarding the national biodiversity laws. This discrepancy may be useful in exploring the chronic conflict between the local communities and the forest wardens especially in areas of Shinyalu and Kaimosi among others. It is therefore logical to ask whether if the local ecological knowledge model used by the people around the Kakamega forest if well interpreted can be useful in shaping peoples’ knowledge regarding the current formal biodiversity resource management regime used in Kakamega and other forests. Although this postulation may require further scrutiny, evidence of strong local ecological knowledge obtained from the Tiriki and Bunyala shows that the behaviours of the local population towards the forest in these areas is quite different, yet there is minimal supervision and control especially by the forest wardens. In an opinion interview 658 Gilchrist, G. and M. L,Mallory. 2007. Comparing Expert-based Science with Local Ecological Knowledge: What are we afraid of? Ecology and Society 12(1):r1. 659 Capta, G. 1995. Ecology, Diversity and Diversity of the Middle Grande Basin. A Report of the United States Department of Agriculture. 660 Jungerius, P.D. 2004. Indeginous Knowledge of Landscape: Ecological Zones Among Traditional Herbalists. A case Study in Keiyo District , Kenya Geo Journal 44 (1):55-60 162
with one of the Tirirki elders, the study learnt that due to the strict local ecological knowledge programme in the area, the behaviour of the local people in these localities is different. 661 Parallel to the above, throughout the entire period of fieldwork, one could not fail to observe the negative perception that the local population had towards both the national laws and the formal enforcement mechanisms. Up to 78% of the respondents depicted that they had no knowledge of the national laws regarding access to forestry biodiversity resources, but knew about the forest wardens. The answer to this was attained by asking local respondents whether they had particular knowledge of laws that govern access to forestry resources in Kakamega. It was also evident that there was an open acrimony between the local population and the forest wardens. Many respondents interviewed by the study expressed a clear grasp of the penalties that would befall them if the forest wardens got hold of them. It was also interesting to find out that the majority of respondents admitted that acts such as charcoal burning, harvesting of plant species and tree cutting were illegal. Locals were also frequently heard remarking that they have problems with paying their debts and meeting other monetary obligations. Such arguments were used in the condemning of forest officials. The remarks used in the condemnation of the forestry officials were in form of social and economic justice. Both constructions represent a kind of moral condemnation, referring to norms concerning “right” and “wrong” methods of forest resource usage, ultimately leading us to issues of rational choice institutionalism and bio-ethics. However, we may argue that this is the ecological insight of the Kakamega locals and that is their way of constructing arguments representing a conflict of economic, social and to some extent cultural institutional interests. In evaluating the interface between local ecological knowledge and perceptions of national laws regarding the protection of forestry biodiversity, it can be summed that while scientific scholars view ecological knowledge in a rather neutral perspective, local people residing around the forest resource areas in Kakamega, are to a given extent involved in a world of conflicting institutional interests. It was also found out that varied sections of the local population viewed or perceived the formal resource regimes as very much in conflict with their economic and social interests. For instance, in the study we asked the respondents what their views were, as regards the national laws that are used in the management of national forestry biodiversity. The essence of the above question was to gauge local perceptions regarding the formal legal regimes that govern biodiversity in places around Kakamega forest. Up to 61.64% answered that they felt the national laws (laws enforced by forest wardens) were unfavorable to their cultural, social and economic interests. When further probed to find out whether the forestry authorities knew about these varied interests, 63% of the respondents said that the forestry authorities knew about their cultural and social and economic interests, while 36% informed the researcher that the forest authorities did not know about their varied interests. 661 Field Interview No.6 15 July 2006. 163
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INSTITUTIONAL DILEMMAS IN TROPICAL
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Dedication This work is dedicated i
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7.4 COLLECTIVE COMMUNITY ACTION AND
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UNDP United Nations Development Pro
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1 Introduction 1.1 Introduction Ken
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are mediated into the national poli
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Giddens notes that linking agency a
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foreign exchange controls made the
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and to preserve the different fores
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Map 2: Landsat ETM+ (7) satellite i
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egimes. 46 Yet national regimes gov
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Institutions and Institutionalism:
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learn that in practice, the definit
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The above revelations show the disc
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technologies. This kind of thinking
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The social movement’s notion arti
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1.8 Methodology The choice of resea
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Sources of data Data for this study
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knowledge, opinions, notions in rel
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2 Theoretical Considerations 2.1 In
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opposed to particularistic in the i
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constraints have to be applicable t
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process is a product of both extern
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position also influences actors’
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to a specific choice problem, which
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communications and authority relati
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the subsequent lack of general or s
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generally. Historical institutional
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can have remarkable consequences at
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myths and ceremonies devised by man
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In light of the above postulation,
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among inter ethnic relations. 273 D
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also important for maintaining the
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what sort of environment is left fo
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Rittberger called it “institution
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of governance. 314 For instance, fo
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and his claims. Hence it is the fun
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trees, food resources, warmth or ab
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environmental externality function
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Wear observes that the enhancement
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4 Biodiversity, local decentralisat
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officials found to have dished out
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national level. At the local level
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declared a ban on felling indigenou
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4.2 Institutionalism, local decentr
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iodiversity change been altered, bu
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We shall use the term participation
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known as community forest user grou
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1960s and early 1970s in Europe and
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upholding of the social values and
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The social-cognitive dimension can
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as goods and certain services, and
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In summary, in this chapter we have
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This is compouded by glowing struct
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the Constitution. The Constitutiona
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far as ownership is concerned. As a
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maximum spring discharge level. 501
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During pre-colonial times, issues o
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whose boundaries could not be alter
Page 119 and 120: Although Kenya’s policy and legal
Page 121 and 122: egeneration thereof or biodiversity
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Page 125 and 126: In addition, the director of Agricu
Page 127 and 128: Gottfried suggested that natural re
Page 129 and 130: Based on the review and analysis of
Page 131 and 132: Furthermore, issues of monitoring a
Page 133 and 134: players, especially given the role
Page 135 and 136: household was 6. Adults are here de
Page 137 and 138: eadily available for the researcher
Page 139 and 140: It is imperative to appreciate that
Page 141 and 142: tragedy for the entire household, c
Page 143 and 144: Table 6.6 Why persons are named aft
Page 145 and 146: the extreme lowland side, the area
Page 147 and 148: on the forest biodiversity is neith
Page 149 and 150: settling around the Mount Elgon are
Page 151 and 152: concluding the ceremonies with the
Page 153 and 154: Gender, cropping systems and labour
Page 155 and 156: ural livelihoods, it became the foc
Page 157 and 158: espondent said that they planted su
Page 159 and 160: Like we have earlier noted, most of
Page 161 and 162: When asked how such people (Custodi
Page 163 and 164: 7 Historical and Sociological Insti
Page 165 and 166: Biodiversity and customary law in K
Page 167 and 168: education and a majority of social
Page 169: Put in the context of Kakamega, it
Page 173 and 174: places, there was an array of reaso
Page 175 and 176: Further still, it was discovered th
Page 177 and 178: 7.4 Collective community action and
Page 179 and 180: development of various community re
Page 181 and 182: Other scholars in the area of prope
Page 183 and 184: for instance, where common property
Page 185 and 186: 8 Summary and Conclusions 8.1 Recap
Page 187 and 188: Conclusions The overall objective o
Page 189 and 190: already exits within the Luhya reso
Page 191 and 192: sense, the community conserved area
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Page 195 and 196: We have already indicated that like
Page 197 and 198: prohibiting the use of natural reso
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Page 201 and 202: The wider and long-term implication
Page 203 and 204: will make it much more difficult to
Page 205 and 206: 8.5 Summary The findings that have
Page 207 and 208: initial conditions, path dependence
Page 209 and 210: References BOOKS Adrian, P. 2003. T
Page 211 and 212: Downs, R. E. and S. P. Reyna. 1988.
Page 213 and 214: Kanyinga, K. 1994. Ethnicity, Patro
Page 215 and 216: Neisser, U. 1967. Cognitive Psychol
Page 217 and 218: Strathern, M. 2000. Environments wi
Page 219 and 220: Reardon, T and Vosti, S. A. 1995. L
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Krhoda, G. 1998. What Ails Kenya's
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Strathern, M. 1996. Potential Prope
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Colchester, M. 2003. Conservation P
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Murombedzi, J. 1998. The Evolving C
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Newspapers The Daily Nation Karura
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List of Figures and Maps Map 1 Map
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Response Codes Snakes Monkeys Frogs
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Section 3. Usage and management for
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Code How often are such ceremonies
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Section 5. Management of local know
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Code Who is responsible for growing
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Appendix B. Schedule of organizatio
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The interviews focused on the confl
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Appendix D. Bibliographic schedule
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Versicherung Ich versichere, dass i
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