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THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

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favour from the state, then the protection of rangelands under common property against<br />

encroachments for cultivation will be indifferent at best. 343 This represents the external<br />

political and economic legitimacy of the property regime.<br />

The above argument and elucidation translates to mean that there are political and economical<br />

inclinations embedded in the governance and management of common resource enterprises.<br />

This helps our appreciation of political games involved. Governments will protect and<br />

conserve resource regimes whose populations are considered to be of importance to the state.<br />

This same argument also raises some points of worthy concern to this study. For example we<br />

need to ask; of what political or economic importance are the people residing in and around<br />

Kakamega forest to the government? This is grounded in the fact that politics is defined in<br />

terms of power relations, that determine who gets what when and where. What is the<br />

contribution of these communities in terms of national economic importance? Are they in any<br />

way marginalized and not perceived as important to the state? Are they in a way opposed to<br />

the state and opposed to the governmental policies including conservation? Or they are<br />

victims of external encroachment and if they are; can these threats in any way be state<br />

inspired?<br />

3.4 Resource actors, and local perspectives on biodiversity in Kenya<br />

Edwards and Steiner define resource actors as individuals and agents with bargaining power<br />

and are able to change the “collective-choice rules” that comprise of the institutional<br />

framework in which resource users operate and operational rules are established. 344 Resource<br />

actors may also be defined by their preferences. Perhaps most obvious are differences<br />

between people who are concerned about different products of multiple-product natural<br />

resource system. One of the most challenging issues especially in the developing countries is<br />

that different individuals and groups have different preferences and perceptions about<br />

different natural resource endowments such as grazing lands, woodlands and wetlands. 345 For<br />

example, in the Kakamega district of western Kenya, resource users include urban-based<br />

cattle owners, sellers of wood fuel and charcoal, and pastoralists, and local agro-pastoralists.<br />

Resource actors can also be defined on the basis of their preferences toward the different<br />

functions of the resource management institutions. For example, preferences toward the risk<br />

management function will depend upon people’s attitudes toward variation in the supply of<br />

products from the natural resource system, which in turn depends upon their capacity to<br />

generate income from alternative sources and access to markets. Preferences toward the<br />

343<br />

Elbow, K. 1996. Legislative Reform, Tenure and Natural Resource Management in the Niger: The New Rural<br />

Code. A Paper Presented for the Comite Permanent Inter-Estats-des lutte Countre la sécheresse dans le Sahel.<br />

Land Tenure Centre, University of Madison.<br />

344<br />

Edwards, Victoria.M and Steiner; Nathalie. A. 1997. Developing an Analytical Frame work for Multi-Use<br />

Commons. Department of Land and Construction Management, University of Portsmouth. Portsmouth:<br />

Mimeo.<br />

345<br />

Oloson, M. 1965. The logic of Collective Action. Public Goods and the theory of groups. Cambridge:<br />

Harvard University Press.<br />

68

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