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THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

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Customary law relating to use of biological resources has a great relationship with the<br />

occurrence of specific events. For instance, the appearance of locusts, the delay of rains, the<br />

death of specific animals, the outbreak and spread of epidemics and above all death of<br />

people. These particular happenings are in most cases related to the destruction of certain<br />

biotic species. For example, the killing of a given animal species or the cutting down of a<br />

specific tree species which are related to the Luhya traditions. In an interview with an elderly<br />

respondent, he recounted that: “In 1968, the killing of a cobra by a group of unknown people<br />

led to a host of problems including unrelenting deaths in the community, a trend that took up<br />

to a whole year”. 654<br />

The concept of the “living dead” is a strong institution that has structured customary law in<br />

Kakamega and specifically among the Luhya sub-tribes. There is a way biological life is<br />

linked to the Luhya way of living and other institutional interchanges. There is a cycle of<br />

seasons, occurrences and activities within the Luhya communities such as sowing, cultivating,<br />

harvesting and hunting among others. Such key events are often marked by religious rites and<br />

ceremonies. The unusual events which don’t rhyme within this rhythm of events, for<br />

instance, the occurrence of locusts, the delay of rains, the death of specific animals and<br />

rampant spread of epidemics, are interpreted to be bad omens requiring special attention from<br />

the community, spearheaded by the council of elders. The observation to make here is that;<br />

although unscientific explanations are used to account for the occurrence of such events, there<br />

is usually an informal biological linkage annexed to such explanations.<br />

In a way, some of the informal biological explanations are sysnonymous with some of the<br />

scientific explanations to such “bad occurrences”. It is this linkage that forms an interface<br />

between the local knowledge and the local biodiversity conservation interventions. Though<br />

perceived differently, and not explained scientifically, the customary law among the Luhya<br />

has a great deal of alliance with conventional scientific methods explaining why biological<br />

diversity should be conserved.<br />

The “laws” regarding the preservation of the cosmos and its cosmological interactions are a<br />

clear manifestation of this. This brings us back to the complex issue of historical and<br />

sociological institutional analysis. Institutionalists have been at war, debating whether<br />

institutional analysis involves the recognition of different institutional paradigms sharing<br />

common problems and the need to be resolved. Institutionalists like Campbell argue that, the<br />

best way in which to describe institutional analysis and institutional change is to follow the<br />

evolutionary pattern characterized by gradual accumulation of increased changes over long<br />

periods of time. 655 In this sense, such institutions are characterized by prolonged periods of<br />

either equilibrium or stability or evolution that are interrupted suddenly by a crisis that throws<br />

it into turmoil until a new institutional arrangement is established. Such an institutional<br />

arrangement then remains in equilibrium or evolves slowly for another longer period of time.<br />

654 Key Respondent Interview No: 8. 6 July 2006.<br />

655 Campbell, J.L. 2004. Institutional Change and Globalisation. Princeton: Princeton University Press.<br />

160

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