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THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

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declared a ban on felling indigenous trees. 388 Whether or not these presidential decrees were<br />

followed by a legal notice is highly debatable. This results from the fact that, on the contrary<br />

Kenya entered a period of great change, losing the opportunity to move towards social and<br />

environmental justice. Many of its vast forests continued to be wrecked by companies owned<br />

by the few businesses that benefited from collusion, corruption and nepotism during the Moi<br />

regime. Local people were oppressed by these companies, often through the authoritarian<br />

apparatus of the police, army and Forest Department. Across Kenya, the situation was so bad<br />

that illegal logging outstripped legal timber production. 389<br />

The above scenario vindicates the role played by neo-patrimonial politics in the destruction of<br />

the national biodiversity resource regime in Kenya. That is if put simply, political cronies in<br />

the former regimes used official institutional power to carry out illegal and unofficial<br />

transactions on behalf of the state. Agents of patrimonial politics are seldom independent of<br />

each other. This makes it hard to apportion individual contributions to the biodiversity crisis<br />

in Kenya at this point in time. However, what we know is that such agents operate at different<br />

times and their roles play a significant role in fostering subsequent mosaic practices. In the<br />

next sub-section we delve into the historical context of neo-patrimonial Politics in Kenya.<br />

Locating neo-patrimonial politics in Kenya: A historical context<br />

In order for us to understand the history of neo-patrimonialism in Kenya, it is imperative to<br />

draw ourselves back to the immediate years of post independent Kenya, specifically looking<br />

at the new government under the leadership of President Jomo Kenyatta and his eventual<br />

successor President Daniel Arap Moi. The new government was sworn into power after the<br />

Mau Mau revolution whose chief slogan was to reclaim back the land that had been grabbed<br />

by the white settlers.<br />

In all, the new government was faced with a task of land redistribution and restoration to the<br />

rightful owners. 390 While this cause was noble, it was heavily abused. This resulted from the<br />

widespread presidential discretion with regard to alienated lands especially the land around<br />

forested areas and highlands. In many instances both Presidents Kenyatta and Moi were<br />

making land grants to individuals without any consideration to the public interests. This was<br />

done for political reasons, and without proper pursuit of legal procedures, whilst there was<br />

also extensive illegal allocation by the presidents of alienated land that is; land which they did<br />

not have legal power to allocate. 391<br />

There were also various commissioners of land who made direct grants of government land<br />

without any authority from the President, but also undertook the system of patrimonial land<br />

and resource allocation. Forged letters and documents were used to allocate land in numerous<br />

instances, with many records at the Ministry of Lands and Settlements having been<br />

388 Wass, P. 1995. Kenya’s Indegenous Forests: Status, Management and Conservation. Naiorbi:IUCN.<br />

389 Daily Nation. Firm Destroying Forests, Says Church leaders. Sepetember 1996.<br />

390 Muchai, J.1985. A History of Mordern Kenya.Nairobi:East African Publishing House.<br />

391 GOK. 2005. The Ndungu Report on land grabing in Kenya. Opcit<br />

79

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