THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG

Gender, cropping systems and labour practices in Kakamega
Land is a very important resource in Kakamega and among the Luhya in particular. It is
needless to mention that, it is the most critical resource for the production of both the food
and cash crops on which the Luhya rural economy depends. Understanding gender cropping
systems and labour practices in Kakamega, requires us to unravel the critical institutional
factors and practices underlying relations of production between men and women.
Therefore, to understand the dynamics and linkages between cropping systems and farming
practices as well as the micro institutions governing cropping systems and land, it is important
to investigate peoples’ (both women and men) security as well as their insecurity in perceived
land tenure. But as Leach argues, arrangements for land tenure and access always implicate
gender relations. 629 As a preliminary step, the study inquired why particular crops and plant
species were restricted to a particular gender. It was found out that this relationship lay in the
institutional practices upheld among the Luhya.
In the typical Luhya setting, men and boys for that matter are pre-occupied with the growing
of the specific crops. These crops include bananas and restricted tree plants such as Lusiola
and Museno. Among the Luhya, it is believed that the women are not pure enough in the
cultural sense and therefore cannot be associated with the growing of trees and plants such
bananas. It is also perceived that the growing of tree crops such as Lusiyola and Museno by
women is a taboo. Lusiyola is a tree associated with good luck and this good luck is only
believed to be associated with men. A woman growing such a tree amounts to bringing bad
luck at home and community as a whole.
Museno, on the other hand are tree species that are associated with reconstruction and
regeneration of life. Men are seen to posses the power to this regeneration. Women are on the
other hand are associated with the powers to curse. Other accounts informed the research that
women may also become barren when they plant trees and other restricted crops. Another
account from one of the respondents informed this study that: in the Luhya tradition,
especially among the Maragoli and Tachoni, women are barred from planting trees because as
a woman, “when you plant a tree when your husband is alive, then you want him to die.” 630
These deeply rooted Luhya institutions that restrict women from planting trees and other
restricted plants continue to hold sway especially in the absence of a husband or the elder sons
in the home. While men's roles and responsibilities have eroded in other labour enterprises,
men continue to retain control over the activity of planting trees and different plants species,
in all circumstances. Men's control over this activity represents their power and authority over
biodiversity resources and confirms their control over other material and symbolic
demarcation of physical space.
More still we note that both the decision-making and the actual labour in planting trees
reinforce men's roles as heads of household and are symbolic of men's power. Women who
629 Leach, M. 1991. Gender, Land, and Livelihood in East Africa. Nairobi:IDRC Publications.
630 Focus Group Discussion. 25 July 2006.
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