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LESSONS ENCOUNTERED

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Hoffman and Crowther<br />

is no idle danger; no hypothetical threat. In the last few months alone,<br />

we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here<br />

from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts<br />

of terror. And this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards,<br />

and al Qaeda can operate with impunity. 141<br />

The President noted that the strategy would keep the pressure on al Qaeda,<br />

in not only the short term with U.S. forces but also the long term by increasing<br />

the stability and capacity of partners in the region. In the end, “Our<br />

overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle and defeat al Qaeda<br />

in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten American<br />

and our allies in the future. . . . We must reverse the Taliban’s momentum<br />

and deny it the ability to overthrow the government.” 142 The bumper sticker<br />

for the strategy became “to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda,” but<br />

notably the task was expanded by reference to safe havens in Pakistan. This<br />

became the central logic of the strategic communications plan. The strategy<br />

was articulated further in congressional testimony that week by Cabinet officials,<br />

143 the Chairman, 144 and the political and military leaders seeking to<br />

execute it. 145<br />

General McChrystal did not survive in his post long enough to see his<br />

operational design applied. Indiscreet comments from his staff published in<br />

Rolling Stone forced the President to accept his resignation in June 2010. 146<br />

General Petraeus, who was appointed to replace him, continued the campaign<br />

he had helped frame while commander of USCENTCOM.<br />

All in all, the strategic adaptation developed for Afghanistan’s Surge was<br />

a product of a protracted evaluation of U.S. interests, policy aims, and supporting<br />

strategies. Some found the sessions too extended and inconclusive,<br />

but they did include the kind of strategic discourse needed to produce a clear<br />

strategy. 147 President Obama’s deliberate style strived to reassess U.S. policy<br />

and strategic requirements, including fundamental assumptions. 148 Some participants<br />

believed that the review was useful but too drawn out and reflected a<br />

lack of Presidential commitment. 149 The President observed that he was more<br />

engaged than was typical in deliberations and felt compelled to generate his<br />

own option. Ironically, the administration largely ended up where the Lute<br />

review of 2008 had finished a year earlier.<br />

122

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