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Lamb with Franco<br />

surprising that there is tension between the parties. The tension can be healthy<br />

if both sides have an adequate voice in resource allocation decisions and if the<br />

process enables Pentagon leaders to make judicious tradeoffs between the two<br />

sets of priorities. Favoring one or the other too much puts American security<br />

at risk, sooner or later. Secretary Gates argued that it was sooner. He waged a<br />

sustained and public battle against the tendency to favor investments in future<br />

military capabilities at the expense of doing what was necessary to win current<br />

wars, a malady he labeled “next-war-itis.” 286<br />

Secretary Gates reached this conclusion after wrestling with the Pentagon<br />

bureaucracy over a number of equipment issues, but especially tactical intelligence,<br />

reconnaissance, and surveillance (ISR) assets and MRAP vehicles. 287 In<br />

the case of theater ISR, Gates contended with the Air Force. He created Task<br />

Force ODIN (Observe, Detect, Identify, and Neutralize) to press for more ISR<br />

delivered to theater with greater urgency. In the case of MRAPs, Gates confronted<br />

the Army and Marines, and also his own staff. Both equipment issues<br />

preoccupied him, but due to space limitations, we summarize only the MRAP<br />

saga. 288 These large, heavy vehicles were up to 10 times more expensive than<br />

adding armor to Humvees and up to 3 times more expensive than up-armored<br />

Humvees, but they were 400 percent more effective at preventing casualties if<br />

hit by an IED. Commanders in the field wanted them, but senior civilian and<br />

military leaders in the Pentagon did not. As one well-respected flag officer<br />

argued, “It is the wrong vehicle, too late, to fit a threat we were actually managing.”<br />

289<br />

In reality, U.S. casualties from IEDs increased substantially in absolute<br />

numbers from the time requests for MRAPs from commanders in the field<br />

arrived at the Pentagon in mid-2004 until Secretary Gates intervened in May<br />

2007. Gates heard multiple arguments against MRAPs, the most “significant<br />

[being] that no one at a senior level wanted to spend the money to buy them.”<br />

He overrode their objections and made MRAPs the Pentagon’s number-one<br />

acquisition priority. 290 After that, the acquisition system was able to field large<br />

numbers of MRAPs within 18 months—an accomplishment often described as<br />

an industrial feat not seen since World War II. The costs were staggering—$25<br />

billion for the Iraq deployments—but MRAPs quickly made an impact. When<br />

they began to flow to Iraq in November 2007, almost 60 percent of U.S. casualties<br />

were attributed to IEDs. Just a little over a year later with 10,000 MRAPs<br />

232

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