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Hoffman and Crowther<br />

Evaluating Assessment and Adaptation<br />

This analytical effort now turns to the evaluation phase. This is not a comparative<br />

analysis between two administrations. 179 The strategic context and personalities<br />

and timing of these two different cases varied in many ways. What we<br />

hope to identify here are common themes and issues attendant to strategic assessments<br />

and strategic adaptations. We again apply our analytical framework<br />

of the five assessment/adaptation decision factors to guide the evaluation.<br />

Iraq<br />

Performance Assessment Mechanisms. Assessments were widespread on<br />

Iraq long before the Surge decision was made in December 2006. Assessments<br />

began almost immediately after the bombing of the mosque in Samarra on<br />

February 22, when General Casey asked what civil war would look like and<br />

considered convening another Baghdad-based Red Cell to take a look at the<br />

question. 180 Khalilzad and Casey formed the Joint Strategic Planning and Assessments<br />

cell in February 2006. 181 Casey continued to ask the right questions<br />

throughout the summer of 2006. 182 By the fall of 2006, when it became obvious<br />

that efforts in Iraq were failing, the National Security Council, Congress,<br />

and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff all developed their own analytic<br />

groups to assess the situation in Iraq.<br />

Collaborative Information-sharing Environment. The main obstacle to a<br />

government-wide reassessment seems to have been Secretary Rumsfeld, who<br />

refused to approve a formal effort. 183 As such, groups such as the NSC performed<br />

private assessments. This slowed interagency communications but<br />

did not prevent them as Interagency Working Groups, deputies’ committees,<br />

and principals’ committee meetings all continued on their regular schedules.<br />

Communications between Washington and Iraq were constant. The MNF-I<br />

chronology refers to a constant series 184 of secure video teleconferences between<br />

MNF-I and the NSC, the Secretary of Defense, and the President. Casey<br />

also returned to Washington periodically to render reports to Congress and<br />

the Secretary of Defense. Communications within Iraq were also robust, with<br />

Casey meeting regularly with his senior officers as well as visiting all of his<br />

units deployed throughout Iraq.<br />

Strategic Coordination. The NSC had already been deeply involved in<br />

Iraq decisionmaking before the events of 2006. In her role as National Security<br />

132

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