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LESSONS ENCOUNTERED

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Lamb with Franco<br />

important, was flawed due to unrealistic assumptions, tunnel vision, or cognitive<br />

dissonance. The collective explanatory weight of the three limitations we<br />

identify is commensurate with the magnitude of the performance puzzle posed<br />

by the history of the wars. The United States expended prodigious amounts of<br />

blood and treasure, swept enemy forces from the field, and targeted terrorists<br />

and insurgent leaders on an industrial scale, but exercised little influence over<br />

outcomes. This reality is comprehensible when one realizes we had no guiding<br />

strategy, worked at cross-purposes, and did not furnish the capabilities necessary<br />

for irregular warfare. Many leaders were frustrated by such impediments<br />

and, on occasion, they were able to mitigate or temporarily overcome them.<br />

But in the main, these problems persisted through 15 years of war.<br />

The first handicap—lack of an adequate strategy—may elicit yawns. The<br />

cognoscenti often decry the lack of strategy but are ignored by senior leaders<br />

who promulgate lists of goals and work toward them purposefully, believing<br />

that should suffice. Yet as we have shown—and as a significant number of senior<br />

leaders now relate in their memoirs—the United States needs a strategy,<br />

beginning with a precise definition of the problem posed by 9/11. Preventing<br />

terrorists from obtaining and using weapons of mass destruction is a workable<br />

ersatz definition, but it has lost support over time and never was sufficient for<br />

guiding operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. 326 The United States backed into<br />

counterinsurgency to prevent tactical reversals to its counterterrorism agenda.<br />

Senior leaders never agreed on whether or why stabilizing those countries<br />

was a vital interest. The failure to identify the problem we were trying to solve<br />

condemned the United States to incremental decisions and half-hearted commitment,<br />

and retarded unified effort and fielding capabilities needed to win<br />

the wars.<br />

Sociopolitical constraints help explain the absence of strategy. Senior<br />

leaders do not put real strategy in official strategy documents because doing so<br />

alienates important constituencies and opens them to criticism that they have<br />

misdiagnosed the problem or chosen too narrow a means for solving it. The<br />

political risks of real strategy are so onerous that it is now common to confuse<br />

strategy with goal-setting and “assume strategy is a big-picture overall direction<br />

divorced from any specific action.” 327 Leaking information about senior<br />

leader deliberations, civil-military tensions, and poisonous partisan politics all<br />

reinforce this trend, driving clear thinking further underground. Leaders want<br />

242

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