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The Surges in Iraq and Afghanistan<br />

gained by slowing and reversing Taliban momentum. This injection of additional<br />

forces could lead to a reconsideration by Taliban leaders that the United<br />

States was increasingly committed to securing its interests, which could lead<br />

to mutually beneficial negotiations within Afghanistan. Furthermore, the NSC<br />

decision did not assess and resolve the viability of the Afghan security forces<br />

to meet their recruiting goals and minimum effectiveness within the resources<br />

and timelines framed by the President. Creating sustainable Afghan National<br />

Security Forces would clearly be a longer term but relevant issue if U.S. security<br />

interests were to be served. Finally, the State Department’s contributions<br />

were long on promise and short on delivery. Both the strategic assessment<br />

and oversight should have tested State’s capacity to actually support the plan.<br />

Because of these nonmilitary elements, the strategic coordination phase was<br />

deliberate and robust but less than fully satisfactory.<br />

Decision Authorization Clarity. There appears little doubt that the President<br />

was fully immersed and invested in the final strategic decisions in 2009.<br />

However, the six-page strategic memorandum President Obama purportedly<br />

authored contained contradictions. The President apparently intended that the<br />

lesson of unclear objectives from Vietnam would not be repeated, based on a<br />

reading of Gordon Goldstein’s Lessons in Disaster. 202 While intended to reduce<br />

ambiguity and reflect his commitment to the decision, the President’s strategic<br />

guidance evidences distinct tensions between the diagnosis of the problems in<br />

Afghanistan and a limited allocation of resources and time.<br />

Clarity was augmented by the discourse of the principals and the President’s<br />

direct question to each to expressly assent to the final strategy. The ISAF<br />

commander may have had some questions from the inauguration through late<br />

November as to what the new administration really wanted to achieve in Afghanistan.<br />

That doubt or ambiguity was clarified during the Surge debate. Our<br />

reading of the November 29 memo reinforces the clarity of the commander’s<br />

intent. The U.S. goal in Afghanistan was “to deny safe haven to al Qaeda and<br />

to deny the Taliban the ability to overthrow the Afghan government.” The military<br />

mission was defined in six operational objectives, which were to be “limited<br />

in scope and scale to only what is necessary to attain the U.S. goal.” 203 In<br />

case there was any question, the President’s memo noted, “This approach is not<br />

fully resourced counterinsurgency or nation building.” 204 But at the same time,<br />

the President articulated numerous military and civilian tasks at the opera-<br />

137

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