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Rethinking Schooling for the 21st Century

UNESCO MGIEP officially launched 'Rethinking Schooling for the 21st Century: The State of Education, Peace and Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship' in 2017 at the UNESCO General Conference. This study analyses how far the ideals of SDG 4.7 are embodied in policies and curricula across 22 Asian countries and establishes benchmarks against which future progress can be assessed. It also argues forcefully that we must redefine the purposes of schooling, addressing the fundamental challenges to efforts to promote peace, sustainability and global citizenship through education.

UNESCO MGIEP officially launched 'Rethinking Schooling for the 21st Century: The State of Education, Peace and Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship' in 2017 at the UNESCO General Conference. This study analyses how far the ideals of SDG 4.7 are embodied in policies and curricula across 22 Asian countries and establishes benchmarks against which future progress can be assessed. It also argues forcefully that we must redefine the purposes of schooling, addressing the fundamental challenges to efforts to promote peace, sustainability and global citizenship through education.

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on parenting classes <strong>for</strong> fa<strong>the</strong>rs. A cartoon figure of a puzzled male student asks<br />

<strong>the</strong> apposite question: ‘Why has <strong>the</strong> involvement of men in parenting become<br />

a focus of attention?’ (p. 48). Teachers might conceivably use this as a cue <strong>for</strong><br />

classroom discussion.<br />

However, textbooks seldom relate Japan’s situation in this regard to any wider<br />

context. The Tokyo Shoseki text features a graph comparing <strong>the</strong> work<strong>for</strong>ce<br />

participation of Japanese women with <strong>the</strong>ir counterparts in America, Sweden<br />

and Germany (p. 48), but this is exceptional. The plight of women in poorer Asian<br />

countries is highlighted, with Malala Yousafzai featuring on <strong>the</strong> cover of <strong>the</strong> same<br />

textbook. To be sure, <strong>the</strong> plight of Pakistani women and girls is hardly comparable<br />

with <strong>the</strong> situation of <strong>the</strong>ir Japanese counterparts. But when <strong>the</strong> proportion of<br />

female students at Tokyo University, <strong>the</strong> country’s premier institution of higher<br />

education, is stuck well below 20 per cent (University of Tokyo, 2017), Japan surely<br />

has little cause <strong>for</strong> complacency.<br />

In China, where Mao Zedong famously declared that ‘women hold up half <strong>the</strong> sky’,<br />

female liberation is officially depicted as a key achievement of Communist rule.<br />

However, research by Ross in <strong>the</strong> early 2000s indicated persistent assumptions<br />

regarding ‘<strong>the</strong> gendered division of labour and role patterns’, especially in<br />

instructional materials <strong>for</strong> young children (2006, p. 43). In fieldwork in Shaanxi<br />

Province, she found that all ‘scientists, workers, peasants and soldiers’ portrayed<br />

in Social Studies texts were men, while ‘100 per cent of teachers and 75 per<br />

cent of service personnel’ were women. Only 5 per cent of characters ‘named or<br />

central to a storyline’ were female. Males also predominated in a ma<strong>the</strong>matics<br />

textbook reviewed by Ross, appearing ‘in privileged settings and occupational<br />

roles that… implicitly derogate female ma<strong>the</strong>matical abilities’ (p. 43). A more<br />

recent analysis of <strong>the</strong> situation of urban Chinese women (more educated and<br />

‘liberated’ than <strong>the</strong>ir rural sisters) suggests that official discourse on women’s<br />

social role remains highly state-centred and utilitarian, legitimating a social<br />

order still highly skewed against women’s interests (Fincher, 2014). Meanwhile,<br />

curricular representations of political leadership, reflecting reality outside <strong>the</strong><br />

school gates, 37 implicitly depict public decision-making as an overwhelmingly<br />

male preserve.<br />

37 The top echelons of <strong>the</strong> Communist Party are overwhelmingly male-dominated, while<br />

Politburo Standing Committee, China’s top decision-making body, remains exclusively male.<br />

96<br />

Chapter 3: East Asia

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