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Rethinking Schooling for the 21st Century

UNESCO MGIEP officially launched 'Rethinking Schooling for the 21st Century: The State of Education, Peace and Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship' in 2017 at the UNESCO General Conference. This study analyses how far the ideals of SDG 4.7 are embodied in policies and curricula across 22 Asian countries and establishes benchmarks against which future progress can be assessed. It also argues forcefully that we must redefine the purposes of schooling, addressing the fundamental challenges to efforts to promote peace, sustainability and global citizenship through education.

UNESCO MGIEP officially launched 'Rethinking Schooling for the 21st Century: The State of Education, Peace and Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship' in 2017 at the UNESCO General Conference. This study analyses how far the ideals of SDG 4.7 are embodied in policies and curricula across 22 Asian countries and establishes benchmarks against which future progress can be assessed. It also argues forcefully that we must redefine the purposes of schooling, addressing the fundamental challenges to efforts to promote peace, sustainability and global citizenship through education.

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<strong>the</strong> <strong>for</strong>mer USSR, since <strong>the</strong> early 1990s. This is perhaps in part precisely because<br />

of <strong>the</strong> cynicism bred by <strong>the</strong> yawning gap between Soviet ideals and reality,<br />

although, as Brown notes (2009), by <strong>the</strong> 1970s and 1980s citizens of <strong>the</strong> Central<br />

Asian regions of <strong>the</strong> USSR were generally more content under Soviet rule than<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir counterparts in European Russia or <strong>the</strong> Baltic region.<br />

Many observers have also noted <strong>the</strong> role played by international donors in<br />

shaping education discourse and policy in post-Soviet Central Asia and Mongolia.<br />

Niyozov and Dastambuev (2012) have identified three strategic interests guiding<br />

<strong>the</strong>se external actors: (i) detaching Central Asian states from <strong>the</strong> Soviet past<br />

(i.e. securing <strong>the</strong>ir independence and keeping <strong>the</strong>m out of <strong>the</strong> Russian orbit);<br />

(ii) inoculating or quarantining <strong>the</strong>m against <strong>the</strong> spread<br />

of anti-Western Islamic extremism; and (iii) securing<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir integration into and dependence on <strong>the</strong> global<br />

market economy. The dichotomisation of ‘socialist’ and<br />

‘capitalist’ systems and <strong>the</strong> outright rejection of <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>for</strong>mer has typically in<strong>for</strong>med <strong>the</strong> work of international<br />

donors and local policymakers, clearing <strong>the</strong> ground <strong>for</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> dominance of <strong>the</strong> market-oriented human capital<br />

paradigm. In post-socialist Central Asia, education has<br />

come to be seen primarily as a ‘private good’ ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />

than a public one. As Silova (2009b) puts it, ‘education (including various types<br />

of private tutoring) has become <strong>the</strong> last hope and <strong>the</strong> main way to advance or<br />

maintain one’s socio-economic position as <strong>the</strong> economic prospects <strong>for</strong> those<br />

without educational credentials deteriorate’ (p. 167).<br />

In post-socialist<br />

Central Asia,<br />

education has come<br />

to be seen primarily<br />

as a ‘private good’<br />

ra<strong>the</strong>r than a public<br />

one<br />

Although <strong>the</strong> coding results and <strong>the</strong> qualitative analysis indicate some lingering<br />

influence of <strong>the</strong> egalitarian Soviet legacy at <strong>the</strong> level of policy rhetoric, <strong>the</strong><br />

post-Soviet social reality is one of widening inequality, which under-resourced<br />

and increasingly stratified schooling systems are ill-equipped to counter.<br />

Attainments in <strong>the</strong> fields of education, health care, science and equality during<br />

Soviet rule were initially expected, after 1991, to <strong>for</strong>m a strong foundation <strong>for</strong><br />

a swift trans<strong>for</strong>mation of <strong>the</strong> Central Asian states into stable, prosperous<br />

democracies (Niyozov and Dastambuev, 2012). But even a cursory survey of <strong>the</strong><br />

current state of schooling across <strong>the</strong> region illustrates how widely off <strong>the</strong> mark<br />

such predictions have proved. Instead, <strong>the</strong> Central Asian states and Mongolia<br />

have embraced a new totalising paradigm — of schooling <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of<br />

marketable human resources and rein<strong>for</strong>cement of nationalist loyalties — which,<br />

while ra<strong>the</strong>r different from <strong>the</strong> Soviet ideological cocktail, is no more conducive<br />

to peace, sustainability or domestic or international harmony.<br />

<strong>Rethinking</strong> <strong>Schooling</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> 21 st <strong>Century</strong>:<br />

The State of Education <strong>for</strong> Peace, Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship in Asia<br />

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