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Rethinking Schooling for the 21st Century

UNESCO MGIEP officially launched 'Rethinking Schooling for the 21st Century: The State of Education, Peace and Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship' in 2017 at the UNESCO General Conference. This study analyses how far the ideals of SDG 4.7 are embodied in policies and curricula across 22 Asian countries and establishes benchmarks against which future progress can be assessed. It also argues forcefully that we must redefine the purposes of schooling, addressing the fundamental challenges to efforts to promote peace, sustainability and global citizenship through education.

UNESCO MGIEP officially launched 'Rethinking Schooling for the 21st Century: The State of Education, Peace and Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship' in 2017 at the UNESCO General Conference. This study analyses how far the ideals of SDG 4.7 are embodied in policies and curricula across 22 Asian countries and establishes benchmarks against which future progress can be assessed. It also argues forcefully that we must redefine the purposes of schooling, addressing the fundamental challenges to efforts to promote peace, sustainability and global citizenship through education.

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ole in heightening awareness of environmental problems. But <strong>the</strong> principal’s<br />

singling out of <strong>the</strong> ‘local’ authorities <strong>for</strong> criticism is significant; while <strong>the</strong> probity<br />

and efficiency of local agencies can sometimes be questioned, open criticism<br />

of nationally-determined policies or strategies remains rare and potentially<br />

perilous.<br />

Research on Korean schools, meanwhile, indicates that increasing emphasis in<br />

curricular documents on <strong>the</strong> promotion of ‘critical thinking’ and debate (see<br />

Figure 3.1) is not typically reflected in classroom practice. The fostering of<br />

creativity and problem-solving skills, or of attitudes associated with open and<br />

critical debate, such as respect <strong>for</strong> racial or gender diversity, have been identified<br />

as areas of particular weakness (Cho, 2004 as cited in Choi et al., 2009; Kim and<br />

Chang, 2015) (on diversity, see <strong>the</strong> following section). As students progress<br />

through <strong>the</strong> system, Moral Education, like <strong>the</strong> mainstream subjects, becomes<br />

increasingly test-driven and content-focused, with <strong>the</strong> result that discussion<br />

and critique typically feature low on <strong>the</strong> pedagogical agenda (Moral Education<br />

Curriculum (Korea), pp. 35-38; Kim and Chang, 2015).<br />

Besides cultural, institutional and political factors,<br />

one of <strong>the</strong> most significant constraints on <strong>the</strong> pursuit<br />

of self-directed, autonomous learning, is perhaps<br />

class size. This is particularly true in China, where<br />

class sizes of 70 or more are quite common at middle<br />

school level (50-60 at primary level), but relatively<br />

large classes (upwards of 30) are typical across <strong>the</strong><br />

region, especially at secondary level (OECD, 2012, p.<br />

2). East Asian schools remain at or near <strong>the</strong> top of OECD league tables <strong>for</strong> class<br />

size. 24 Official calls <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> promotion of autonomy and creativity have generally<br />

not been accompanied by <strong>the</strong> kinds of alterations to pupil-teacher ratios that<br />

would render it possible to deliver <strong>the</strong> kind of individually-tailored guidance that<br />

students engaged in varied, self-directed project work would need. As Kipnis<br />

points out (2011, p. 107), large class sizes both require a didactic, teacher-centred<br />

pedagogical style, and are premised on a vision of <strong>the</strong> teacher as an exemplary<br />

authority figure.<br />

Autonomy and <strong>the</strong> Teacher<br />

East Asian schools<br />

remain at or near <strong>the</strong><br />

top of OECD league<br />

tables <strong>for</strong> class size<br />

To what extent, <strong>the</strong>n, are East Asian teachers encouraged or enabled to exemplify<br />

<strong>the</strong> qualities of creativity and independence that official curricula increasingly<br />

demand of students? We cannot assume that all teachers necessarily prioritise<br />

such goals. However, leaving aside <strong>the</strong>ir own ethical orientations, and <strong>the</strong> practical<br />

difficulties noted above, how consistent is <strong>the</strong> official espousal of autonomy? In<br />

particular, with respect to official ef<strong>for</strong>ts to shape <strong>the</strong> identity of <strong>the</strong> teaching<br />

profession, what is <strong>the</strong> ‘hidden curriculum’?<br />

24 In Japan, <strong>the</strong> government in 2011 initiated moves to reduce class sizes, but by 2014 <strong>the</strong><br />

Finance Ministry was calling <strong>for</strong> increased class sizes as a cost-saving measure.<br />

<strong>Rethinking</strong> <strong>Schooling</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> 21 st <strong>Century</strong>:<br />

The State of Education <strong>for</strong> Peace, Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship in Asia<br />

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