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Leticia Neria PhD thesis - Research@StAndrews:FullText ...

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In the previous administration, Mexico had won the bid to organise the 1968<br />

Olympic Games, and it fell to the Díaz Ordaz administration to carry out the job. It was<br />

important to make the event remarkable. 9 However, in the Mexican psyche, his<br />

presidential term will be always be associated not with the Olympics but with a<br />

massacre which occurred just a few days prior to the opening ceremony. During the<br />

summer of 1968, a clash between students in the capital was strongly repressed by riot<br />

police. This was the trigger for a series of demonstrations which brought together<br />

students not simply from Mexico City, but around the country. 10 Their claims had<br />

political overtones, and they worried the government, because they were unaccustomed<br />

to responding to public opinion, 11 but these social movements showed that society was<br />

transforming. The authoritarian system was cracking, and society was clamouring for<br />

political change. 12 Yet, the PRI did not want active political participation from the<br />

citizens. The president was convinced that it was a plot to destabilise the country.<br />

Díaz Ordaz believed that the student movement was organised and supported by<br />

communist countries, 13 although, according to the scholar Sergio Aguayo, it is<br />

questionable whether Echeverría or Luis Gutiérrez Oropeza –the chief of the Estado<br />

Mayor Presidencial- actually believed it or whether they simply used the specter of<br />

communism to cause fear. 14 In fact, the student movement and the rebel groups in 1968<br />

9 For more information on the 1968 Olympics, their political relevance and social participation around the<br />

event, see Keith Brewster, ed., Reflections on Mexico ’68, Bulletin of Latin American Studies (UK:<br />

Wiley-Blackwell, Society for Latin American Studies, 2010) and Claire Brewster and Keith Brewster,<br />

Representing the Nation: Sport and Spectacle in Post-revolutionary Mexico (Oxon: Routledge, 2010)<br />

10 A deep narrative based on oral testimonies about the origins, development and the massacre on 2<br />

October 1968 was written by Elena Poniatowska, La noche de Tlatelolco, 2nd edn (Mexico: Ediciones<br />

Era, 1998)<br />

11 Rolando Cordera Campos, ‘Del desarrollo como crisis y de la crisis como transición’, in México a fines<br />

de siglo, José Joaquín Blanco and José Woldenberg, Sección de Obras de Historia, 2 vols., (Mexico:<br />

Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1993), 2, pp. 266-308 (p.<br />

268).<br />

12 Loaeza, ‘Gustavo Díaz Ordaz…’, p. 287.<br />

13 However, at the end of his term, he declared that he did not believe that communism could succeed in<br />

Mexico because of the characteristics of the country and its ‘individualist’ society. Loaeza, ‘Gustavo Díaz<br />

Ordaz…’, p. 304.<br />

14 Personal communication with Sergio Aguayo, 26 November 2008.<br />

44

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