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U.S. Commission on Ocean Policy - Joint Ocean Commission Initiative

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C<strong>on</strong>tenti<strong>on</strong> and StalemateThe 1981 inaugurati<strong>on</strong> of President Reagan altered the directi<strong>on</strong> of America’s approachto ocean and coastal issues. For the first time since the days of Presidents Kennedy andJohns<strong>on</strong>, the White House was the source of clear policy directi<strong>on</strong> for the oceans. While thec<strong>on</strong>sensus in the 1970s had favored a larger federal role, the new administrati<strong>on</strong> wanted toreduce the size of government. While legislati<strong>on</strong> approved in the 1970s called for a steadyincrease in investments to achieve marine-related goals, the Reagan philosophy called forcutbacks. While the mood of the 1970s leaned heavily in the directi<strong>on</strong> of envir<strong>on</strong>mentalprotecti<strong>on</strong>, the new administrati<strong>on</strong> favored a minimum of restricti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> the private sector.U.S. Department of the Interior (DOI) Secretary James Watt departed from the earlierpractice of offering limited offshore areas for energy leases and, in 1982, introduced thec<strong>on</strong>cept of area-wide leasing, opening dramatically larger areas of the OCS simultaneously.As a result of Watt’s new policy, 275 milli<strong>on</strong> acres of the OCS were offered for lease in1983-84, compared to a two-year average of less than 8.5 milli<strong>on</strong> acres in the immediatelypreceding ten year period. At the same time, the administrati<strong>on</strong> proposed to eliminatefunding for the Sea Grant and Coastal Z<strong>on</strong>e Management programs, reduce investmentsin oceanographic research, and privatize a number of functi<strong>on</strong>s carried out by NOAA.C<strong>on</strong>gress resp<strong>on</strong>ded to Secretary Watt’s proposals by including a provisi<strong>on</strong> in the 1982DOI appropriati<strong>on</strong>s bill that prohibited it from leasing certain offshore areas. This practiceof legislating moratoria so<strong>on</strong> took hold, leading eventually to 50 nautical mile no-leasingbuffer z<strong>on</strong>es al<strong>on</strong>g much of the Atlantic and Pacific coasts. President Reagan’s successorslater removed almost all new areas from leasing c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong> through 2012. As the OCSprogram gyrated from <strong>on</strong>e extreme to the other, the balanced approach C<strong>on</strong>gress soughtwhen amending the OCS Lands Act in 1978 was never fully tested, despite the stillcompellingneed for secure energy supplies.The Reagan administrati<strong>on</strong> also changed the tenor of American ocean policy internati<strong>on</strong>ally.Since 1958, efforts had been underway to negotiate an internati<strong>on</strong>al agreement<strong>on</strong> the law of the sea, spelling out a global c<strong>on</strong>sensus <strong>on</strong> such matters as freedom of navigati<strong>on</strong>,fisheries jurisdicti<strong>on</strong>, c<strong>on</strong>tinental shelf resources, and the width of the territorialsea. At the request of less developed nati<strong>on</strong>s, the third round of negotiati<strong>on</strong>s, begun in1973, included c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong> of an elaborate internati<strong>on</strong>al regime to govern the mining ofminerals from the deep seabed in areas outside the jurisdicti<strong>on</strong> of any country. Advocatesargued that minerals found beneath internati<strong>on</strong>al waters should be c<strong>on</strong>sidered part ofthe “comm<strong>on</strong> heritage of mankind,” thus subject to a system of c<strong>on</strong>trols <strong>on</strong> producti<strong>on</strong>,mandatory technology transfer provisi<strong>on</strong>s, and other regulatory requirements implementedby an internati<strong>on</strong>al seabed instituti<strong>on</strong>. The Reagan administrati<strong>on</strong>, with supportfrom many in both parties in C<strong>on</strong>gress, argued that the deep seabed was a fr<strong>on</strong>tier area towhich access for explorati<strong>on</strong> and exploitati<strong>on</strong> should be assured without the restricti<strong>on</strong>sof what it deemed to be the anti-free market comp<strong>on</strong>ents of the pending regime. Whenthe Law of the Sea negotiati<strong>on</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>cluded in 1982, the United States was <strong>on</strong>e of fourcountries to vote against the resulting c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>.Despite this, the administrati<strong>on</strong> so<strong>on</strong> took a number of steps that recognized provisi<strong>on</strong>sin the c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>. In 1983, President Reagan declared a 200 nautical mile exclusiveec<strong>on</strong>omic z<strong>on</strong>e (EEZ), changing what had been a c<strong>on</strong>tinental shelf and fishery resourcejurisdicti<strong>on</strong>al system into an exclusive regime governing access to all ocean and c<strong>on</strong>tinentalshelf resources, including the water column itself (though not impeding the right tofree navigati<strong>on</strong>). The Reagan EEZ Proclamati<strong>on</strong> included an accompanying presidentialstatement that the United States would accept and act in accordance with the balance ofinterests reflected in the c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>, except for the provisi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> deep seabed mining.Finally, five years later, the United States officially extended its territorial sea from 3 to 12nautical miles. The administrati<strong>on</strong>, however, did not offer any significant plans for exploringor exercising a new management role in these areas.C HAPTER 2: UNDERSTANDING THE PAST TO S HAPE A N EW N ATIONAL O CEAN P OLICY53

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