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90 CHAPTER 2population of Mali had nobility, but these nobles were not sent to the North, asit had been stipulated in a supposed treaty of agreement between Attaher ag Illiand the nationalist leaders.Both Amegha’s and Mohamed Lamine’s form of discourse fit with notionsheld in Tamasheq society on ‘black peoples’. This notion consists first of all ofthe equation ‘blacks are slaves’. 42 Second come concepts of the mentality andways of thinking perceived to be proper to slaves. Considering the Tamasheqconcept tayite – intelligence, or mind/competence regulating behaviour – GunvorBerge has argued that the Kel Tamasheq see the status of ‘free’ or ‘slave’ asnaturally determined, and not as cultural and social constructs. 43 Both free andslave have tayite, but of a different nature. A free or noble person knows shameand honour, which restrains his or her conduct. Slaves do not know shame orhonour, and therefore their behaviour is unrestrained by nature. They cannotcontrol their desires and are therefore liable to steal, lie and deceive. This beliefin the ‘natural’ difference (inferiority) of the racialised other is not unique toTamasheq society. It should be kept in mind that this idea was long held inEurope as well as in the Americas before the abolition of slavery, and even nowthese ideas are not fully discarded. The South African apartheid example is almosttoo commonplace to bring to mind. Closer to the events studied here,conflicts based on racial antagonism occurred throughout the Sahel.Given the equation ‘blacks are slaves’, the Keita Government could only beexpected to deceive the Kel Tamasheq chiefs into accepting independence,based on certain promises, which were then easily withdrawn. In Kel Adaghdiscourse, this act of deceit, explains the reasons for their revolt in 1963, as myinterlocutors indicated.Both Amegha ag Sherif’s and Mohamed Lamine’s explanation of the reasonsfor the revolt are also telling in the way the Kel Tamasheq see the makingand breaking of independence: By agreement and treaty. The Kel Adagh hadsurrendered their independence (as far as they had had any) voluntarily to theFrench. And they expected the same in 1960: To accept the inevitable inclusionin Mali at least as equal partners and under some conditions, set out in a treaty.This idea is illustrated in the following account of a discussion between BakaryDiallo, the first governor of the Gao Région after independence, and Attaher agIlli in June 1960:Attaher, who certainly knew that we would come, received us with a strong delegationat a considerable distance from his tent. A few minutes after our arrival a4243I realise that this is a harsh statement. One could argue at length about the questionof whether this equation is made as literally as I present it here. However, during myresearch, remarks and historical discourse underlining this equation kept piling up.Berge, G. 2000: 204-205.