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250 CHAPTER 6repeated attacks by rebel forces on the villages in the Niger Bend and even onGao itself. Observers of the conflict between the Ganda Koy and the rebelmovements, inside and outside Mali, have argued that it was an ethnic conflict.I argue that Ganda Koy discourses on the rebellion, Malian and Tamasheqsociety and the Ganda Koy itself, are best explained by looking at the discourseand images used internally, which were based on concepts of race and on fiercenationalism. Ganda Koy means ‘Masters of the Land’ in Songhay. I havetherefore called this section of the chapter likewise. The last phase of therebellion, between October 1994 and March 1996, is formed by a gradual returnto peace, which was finally concluded on 26 March 1996 with the ceremonialburning of about 3,000 weapons in the marketplace of Timbuktu. This Flammede la Paix, ‘Flame of Peace’ was organised by the Malian Government incollaboration with the United Nations. However, both the conception andimplementation of this peace initiative were the result of local initiatives, whichemanated from civil society leaders: the tribal chiefs and village heads. I willnot linger too long on this last phase of the conflict, the return of the chiefs.Others, particularly within the world of international organisations and NGOs,have written sufficiently on the subject. I will simply narrate how and underwhat conditions peace was brought about.One of the aims of this book is to show the workings of contemporaryTamasheq politics. Therefore, much attention will be paid to the internal processeswithin the rebel movement during the second rebellion. All issues thathave so far been central in this book were magnified and played out in violentways throughout the six years of rebellion. As in the previous chapters, we willfind a number of key groups in the political landscape of the Kel Tamasheq: theishumar, the évolués, the bellah, the tribal chiefs, the sedentary population ofthe North, and the Malian national political elite. These groups were not internallyhomogenous. One can differentiate between those who were in favourof rebellion and those who were against it; those, within the rebellion, who were‘hardliners’ in favour of independence, and those who were ‘moderates’ infavour of autonomy within Mali; and finally, those who were in favour of socialchanges within Tamasheq society and those who were in favour of strengtheningthe existing structure of society. Within the movement, discussions andconflicts centred on the desirability and realisation of a Tamasheq nation-state,and on the nature of Tamasheq social structure and the need to change or preserveit. While these were the discussions and conflicts of opinion, the events inthe field showed different matters: the inescapability of clan thinking, structureand hierarchy; and the primacy of (fictive) kinship over imagining a nation on aterritorial basis. The various opinions on the goals of the rebellion were expressedin various break-ups, violent conflicts and renewed alliances. The storytold here is one of factionalism, alliances and various political currents. The