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18 INTRODUCTIONmediary of some of its most renowned members than through knowing all ofthem personally. Second, the renown of individuals spreads out to their descendantsand living kin. Tamasheq society is essentially hierarchical. The hierarchyis not only based on caste status, but within a tewsit on the value andconsequent prestige of its members. One factor in acquiring status or keeping itis to have legendary personalities in one’s genealogy. In this way, the history ofa person reflects the history of a tewsit at a given moment, and their currentstatus is partly derived from it.The individuality of Tamasheq history is reflected in archive material of theFrench period and early Malian administration. Apart from oral sources of allkinds, this research is based on a set of archival sources from a number ofarchives. Although I have collected a large body of relevant data in the ArchivesNationales du Mali in Bamako and at the Centre des Archives d’Outre-Mer inAix-en-Provence, the most important archive collections I consulted come fromfour rather obscure and sometimes less accessible archives. After some efforts, Imanaged to gain access to the Archives du Cercle de Kidal in Kidal itself, keptin the then-vacant office of the Commandant de Cercle. It is largely thanks tolocal administrators of Kel Adagh origins who knew and supported my endeavoursthat I gained access to this collection, which contained an important fileon Alfellaga, on which I base part of my narrative in Chapter 4. This material issupplemented with a substantive report written by the French intelligenceservice, the Service de Documentation Espionage et Contre Espionage(SDECE), who observed Alfellaga from their bases in Algeria (without givingany indication on possible support from their side), that I found back in theCentre d’Histoire et d’Etudes des Troupes d’Outre Mer in Fréjus France. Thisarchive holds a set of copies from the Service Historique de l’Armée de Terre inParis, which is still under embargo, but which is freely available in Fréjus.Material on the late colonial period, especially on the Organisation Communedes Régions Sahariennes (OCRS) and its effects on local politics, were foundfirst of all in the Archives of the Ministère de l’Administration Territoriale et dela Sûreté (now Ministère de l’Adminstration Territoriale et des CollectivitésLocales) in Bamako, to which I was granted access by then Minister of theInterior Colonel Sada Samake. Last, but certainly not least, I have been able tomake use of a substantive body of documents from the Archives du Cercle deGoundam, which have been generously put at my disposal by Bruce Hall. Withoutthese, this book would not have been possible.French rule in the Sahara was highly indirect. The French Commandants inthe North were all military officers until the late 1940s. These men were oftenfrom the French nobility, who thought in terms of leaders; army hierarchy; andFrench prestige. They only had contact with the appointed chiefs and theirhelpers, and then only when they went on inspection and tax collecting tours.

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