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236 CHAPTER 5A first conflict within the Tanekra movement was born only shortly after itscreation: The conflict between generations. The former ifulagen, the leaders ofthe 1963 revolt, had held power within the movement on the basis of theirprestige as veteran freedom fighters. But their relations with the Algerian statedisqualified them in the eyes of the marginalised ishumar. This generationalconflict had its impact on historical discourse and appreciation of actions lateron. Former ifulagen complained to me during our talks that the younger menhad no respect for them and had no esteem for their actions in 1963.We only had this problem with the young men who went to Libya, because Libyahas played an important part in this. It tried to sort of brainwash them. It first tried todivide them to better control them for its own purposes. (...) They told them “the oldmen have a colonial mind. You should no longer take into account what they say.You should be revolutionary. You should no longer take these men into account”. 89This was admitted by former ishumar who stated that Alfellaga could not becompared to their own actions. The ifulagen had lacked a clear political goal, arevolutionary spirit, military skills and tactics. Without wanting to take sides ordefend anyone, I hope to have made clear in previous chapters that the latteraccusations are without foundation. The endeavours of the first Tamasheq andBidân politicians in the 1950s, the actions of the ifulagen and those of theishumar generation form a continuity of resistance against outside interferencein Tamasheq society and a wish for independence. That this wish took variousshapes and was reformulated according to the historical context does not changethis. Continuity in resistance is also a powerful historical discourse for most KelTamasheq. ‘Alfellaga and 1990 are one and the same thing’ was a remark madeby many of my interlocutors, regardless of their walk in life. But this constructedcontinuity in historical discourse could not prevent internal conflict inthe moment.LibyaOriginally set up and centred in Algeria, the Tanekra movement would gainstrength in Libya in the 1980s. The Great Socialist People’s Libyan ArabJamahuriyya, as the country is officially called, is rich in one particular resource:Oil, but severely lacks another: Labour. In the 1970s, the country’spopulation grew from roughly 1,986,000 to 3,042,000, which included a roughestimate of 500,000 African immigrants. 90 The latter are desperately needed tomake up for the shortages in labour, despite the social tension their presencecreated due to their sometimes higher level of education and, strangely enough,their cultural similarity (most migrants are from the Arab world and Pakistan),8990Interview with Amegha ag Sherif. Brussels, October 1994.http://www.populstat.info/Africa/libyac.htm