coal trade bulletin - Clpdigital.org

A REASONABLY SATISFACTORY SETTLEMENT
of the strike in West Virginia was brought about.
It is, we hope, the beginning of better things for
both miners and operators. I trust a settlement
will very soon be reached in Colorado by which
contract relations will be established between the
operators and miners of the entire state. The
public welfare demands that reason, common sense
and intelligence be substituted for force, waste,
suffering and strike. The steady force of publicopinion
and the continued application of moral
pressure ought to soon compel the coal operators
of Colorado to meet the representatives of the coal
niiners of that state in joint conference for the
purpose of negotiating an agreement.
We have spent large sums of money carrying
forward the work of organization in the non-union
fields. Had ive been less aggressive we could
have reported a much larger amount of money on
hand. We must, however, choose between an increased
membership and a large treasury. For
the present at least we cannot have both. Our
choice has been to increase the membership rather
than build up the treasury and so, while the money
on hand is comparatively small, we are pleased
to report approximately 100,000 new members.
Which would you rather have, more members or
more money?
The total financial resources of our organization
cannot be measured by the balance on hand
in our International treasury. In our district,
sub-district and local union treasuries available
for use there is more than $3,000,000, every dollar
of which can be used for defensive purposes,
(Following this is an itemized statement of all
moneys received and expended for the fiscal year
ending November 30, 1913).
I feel it my pressing duty to call your attention
to the
LEGAI, DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED
which, to say the least, menace the future of our
organization. The officers and representatives of
our union are being indicted, charged with conspiracy,
restraint of trade, interfering with interstate
commerce and attempting to create a monopoly. It
is significant that such legal proceedings are instituted
in communities where strikes occur only.
If we are an unlawful organization, an illegal
monopoly operating in restraint of trade, why wait
until a local strike takes place before legal action
is begun? Invariably the statute under which
action is taken is the Sherman anti-trust act.
This law, when passed, was understood to apply
to corporations and combinations operating for
profit. Since its passage attempts have been
and are now being made to construe it so as to apply
to labor organizations, and so we are slowly
finding out its real meaning. It seems to be an
THE COAL TRADE BULLETIN. 33
expanding law, susceptible of a new construction
wherever a labor controversy arises. No oneseems
to be able to comprehend its scope or define
its limitations. It seems to have completely reversed
our standard of ethics, because by its
elastic use and ever-broadening construction it
makes criminals out of the most circumspect, patriotic,
honest and law-abiding men and women
who compose our citizenship.
For about 25 years it has been on the statute
books of our nation, and strange as it may seem,
when the federal grand jury at Pueblo, Col., on
December 1, returned indictments against President
White, Vice President Hayes and myself, as
officers of our organization, charging us with attempting
to create
A MONOPOLY OF LABOR,
it was the first time during all these years such
a charge was brought against any labor offi'ials
and the first time such indictments were returned.
Evidently it has taken 25 years to find out that
this act could be so construed.
It is clear that if this construction of the law
is correct, if we are guilty as charged in these
indictments, if labor unions are placed in the
monopolistic class, then all labor organizations
are illegal combinations and their officers criminals.
How long can our labor organizations live
under the operation of such a law? What will
become of the well-settled rule announced by many
courts that labor unions are lawful, and, in addition,
desirable institutions, performing useful service
to society?
This is the problem with which we are face to
face. In my opinion one of two things ought
to be done: Either the Sherman anti-trust lawought
to be repealed, or supplementary legislation
enacted clearly defining what are lawful or unlawful
organizations. Voluntary organizations ought
to be exempt from the operation of the act.
Neither legitimate business or legitimate associations
of men organized for worthy purposes ought
to longer be required to wander in the region of
obscurity and uncertainty. I am inclined to the
view that the law is not in keeping with the spirit
of the times. It is
CONTRARY To SOUND PUBLIC POLICY
and certain natural laws controlling progress.
growth and development. In view of recent developments,
I consider the use to which this law is
put as the most important question affecting the
welfare and growth of labor organizations. I
hope the convention will express itself in unmistakable
terms regarding this question.
And now may we pause just a moment, and,
looking back, survey the rugged road over which
we have thus far come. Inch by inch and step
by step we have hewn our path. It has been a