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View/Open - CORA - University College Cork

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The use of impressment must also be understood in the context of political and economic<br />

exigencies. The Land Enclosure Movement in the latter 18 th Century created significant<br />

social unrest among the dispossessed cottier classes. The use of impressment into the<br />

armyor the navyacted as a safetyvalve against social unrest which occasionallymanifested<br />

in agrarian riots.<br />

Whatever the attenuated similarities with preceding work-related penal sanctions,<br />

Kilcommins (2002) cautions against viewing community service as the inevitable outcome<br />

of some unfolding logic, demonstrating that the history of community service is not a<br />

historyof programme refinement of the modern modalityof punishment.<br />

Specifically, Kilcommins challenges the conventional viewexpressed byPease (Pease 1980)<br />

that community service had a long history dating back four hundred years. Pease’s<br />

conception of impressment, he contends, is methodologically flawed as it is constructed<br />

upon a teleological paradigm which precludes the possibilityof viewing the past other than<br />

in terms of the present. Although impressment involvedthe substitution of imprisonment<br />

with naval or military service, the similarity with community service is over-stretched in<br />

Pease’s analysis through a process of exclusion of features which do not fit neatly into the<br />

linear historyof work-related sanctions. In particular the essential elements of the denial of<br />

leisure and rehabilitation are historically absent in the earlier work-based dispositions.<br />

Rather than presenting impressment as a proto community service order, Kilcommins<br />

points to discontinuities between impressment and community service which invites an<br />

understanding of community service as a discrete modern disposition which can only be<br />

properly understood in the context of contemporary rather than historical referents.<br />

(Kilcommins 1999:240).<br />

Rehabilitation, Kilcommins contends, must be understoodas a feature of the modern penal<br />

welfare structure identified byGarland, rather than as an enduring element of penological<br />

sentiment andpractice of an earlier age:<br />

As such, rehabilitation is verymuch part of the modern penal welfare structure, prompted,<br />

as it was, bythe rise to prominence of psychologists, probation officers, social workers<br />

andeducationalists; bythe movement, where possible fromencellulement to<br />

association; bythe displacement of the moral consciousness concept of criminal<br />

behaviour (moralism) with a more inductive, individualisedapproach (causalism); and<br />

the adoption of science as a proper means of reclaimingoffenders. Given these<br />

criteria – criteria which wouldnot have remainedconstant andcontinuous over time –<br />

it is submitted that it is a historical myth to propose that an analogycan be drawn<br />

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