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(Bio)Fueling Injustice? - Europafrica

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ange of recent sources, including from international organisations, civil society and<br />

the private sector. The bulk of the facts presented here are taken from authoritative<br />

international sources, such as the World Bank, the Food and Agriculture Organization<br />

(FAO), and other United Nations (UN) agencies. They are introduced along other<br />

studies which echo the voices of affected people. Some case studies are based on the<br />

research of African farmer’s networks members of EuropAfrica and on the crosschecked<br />

research of other non-governmental organisations. The assessment of the<br />

respective impacts and the responsibilities is based on the international legal<br />

framework applicable to the EU and EU Member States, on EU law, and on the actors’<br />

own commitments.<br />

A number of interviews with staff members of the European Commission have been<br />

conducted in an effort to understand and take into consideration the various<br />

approaches to the issue. It must be acknowledged that the European Commission<br />

has generally responded in an open and constructive manner, and the authors of<br />

this report are extremely grateful to the people interviewed for their time and support.<br />

This report therefore combines both quantitative and qualitative data, seeking to<br />

be as impartial and constructive as possible and to take into account various points<br />

of view. It is the analysis of these various types of information together that allows<br />

making conclusions on the role of European Union policies regarding land grabbing in<br />

Africa.<br />

It is important to note that, while this report, as the Monitoring report did, concentrates<br />

on the role and responsibilities of the EU and EU Member States, it does not mean<br />

that other actors in particular the African states, the African Union, other rich<br />

countries and private investors do not have responsibilities and obligations, or<br />

that the EU is the most responsible. In fact, there is growing evidence that many<br />

(and even often most) of the investors in Africa are actually domestic elites, who then<br />

have tie-ups with foreign companies and capital. 4 The various levels of responsibilities<br />

are not mutually exclusive, and they can be examined separately as we intend to do<br />

now for the EU and its Member States.<br />

1.2. Definitions<br />

1.2.1. Land grabbing<br />

Land grabbing has been defined with various nuances, but in all definitions, land<br />

grabbing designates land deals that inherently have a negative social and/or<br />

environmental effect and harm individual and/or peoples’ rights. The Monitoring report<br />

defined land grabbing as “taking possession and/or controlling a scale of land<br />

which is disproportionate in size in comparison to average land holdings in the<br />

region.” This definition focuses on the changes in land property relations, on the<br />

impact of land transfer on national and local populations’ rights. It brings a slightly<br />

different approach from other definitions which, though also valid, emphasise more the<br />

process of acquisition of the land, 5 or the transnational dimension of land-use change. 6<br />

This definition used in 2010 is still valid for the purpose of the present report. Recent<br />

scientific research supports the importance to analyse the impact of land deals on the<br />

non-(re)distribution or the (re)concentration of land wealth and power. The key is to<br />

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