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(Bio)Fueling Injustice? - Europafrica

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esources towards this goal. 479 Yet, the efficiency of these valuable efforts is<br />

challenged by the support to agrofuels in its current form, which encourages<br />

investments for export to the EU.<br />

The EU took particularly clear development commitments towards Africa. The<br />

Union has developed a number of partnerships and programmes with African countries<br />

and the African Union. The EU for example finances an Energy Facility which aims<br />

amongst other things at improving access to energy services, in particular for the<br />

poor. 480 With respect to agriculture, the European Union wants to give priority “to<br />

intensification approaches for small-scale farmers that are sustainable, ecologically<br />

efficient and respect the diverse functions of agriculture” and it wants to encourage<br />

investments that “maximise the social, economic and environmental benefits for the<br />

country.” 481 Besides its incoherence with general objectives of the EU development<br />

cooperation, the EU biofuel policy’s coherence with its development efforts specifically<br />

in Africa is therefore questionable.<br />

These incoherencies may reflect oppositions of views within the European<br />

Commission itself. As shown throughout this report, the potentially negative social<br />

impacts of agrofuels development have often been highlighted by the European<br />

Commission. For instance, the concern that biofuel production in third countries may<br />

not respect minimum environmental and social requirements was anticipated by<br />

European Parliament and the Council in the recital of the RED. 482 Yet, the EU biofuel<br />

policy was still adopted, generating, as academics analysed, a basic tension between<br />

the energy security, environmental protection and rural development objectives of this<br />

policy. 483 It has been reported that these tensions were known in the European<br />

Commission, and provoked much dissent amongst staff across several Directorates-<br />

General. It seems that DG Development finally did not gain a significant role in shaping<br />

the EU biofuel policy, and development objectives (and thus PCD) have probably been<br />

the losers. 484<br />

8.2. A violation of the EU and EU Member States’ extraterritorial<br />

obligations<br />

It has been seen in section 6 that the human rights of African individuals, groups and<br />

peoples can be harmed as a result of agrofuel-related production. This does not<br />

automatically mean that the countries and entities that promote biofuels, like the EU<br />

and its Member States, are, or are the only ones, responsible. Various actors, from<br />

the African States to international financial organisations, might bear some<br />

responsibility, to varying degrees. The aim of this part is to clarify whether, and to<br />

which extent, the EU and EU Member States violate international human rights law<br />

through their biofuel policy.<br />

8.2.1. Extra-territorial obligations of the EU and EU Member States<br />

The responsibility of the EU and EU Member States for the impacts of the biofuel<br />

policy in Africa also arises from their human rights obligations under international law.<br />

EU Member States have clear human rights obligations emanating from the treaties<br />

they have ratified. In particular, as mentioned earlier, all EU Member States have<br />

ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR)<br />

87

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