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(Bio)Fueling Injustice? - Europafrica

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places new pressures on agricultural markets, which are<br />

characterized by temporal restrictions (the time it takes to<br />

increase production), limited resources (land, water, and<br />

nutrients), and growing demand driven by demographic and<br />

income increases. In addition to magnifying the tensions<br />

between supply and demand, the rigidity of biofuel mandates<br />

exacerbates price fluctuations and magnifies global price<br />

volatility. Last but not least, biofuels gradually increase the link<br />

between energy markets (which are highly volatile) and food<br />

markets (also volatile), further increasing the volatility of the<br />

latter. 276<br />

6.1.1. Less food available<br />

The impact of agrofuels on food prices tends to show that biofuel production reduces<br />

the amount of food available. The fact that the EU biofuel policy makes food less<br />

available can be explained with different arguments.<br />

The impact of agrofuel production on the availability of food is the most obvious when<br />

food crops – in particular crops for local consumptions – are replaced by biofuel crops,<br />

or other food crops for export (see the case studies in part 4, especially the Markala<br />

Sugar Project in the Office du Niger in Mali or the agrofuels projects in the Tana River<br />

area in Kenya). In this case, the region where it takes place mechanically has less<br />

food available, unless it imports more from abroad the region. The problem with<br />

moving from short-circuits of self-reliance to dependence on distant market distribution<br />

systems in the current context of food price volatility will be explained later. Agrofuels<br />

can also directly impact the availability of food in a country that is not food selfsufficient<br />

by encouraging the development of export or biofuel crops on free fertile<br />

land, instead of food crops.<br />

These effects are worsened by two factors. First, biofuel policies promote an industrial<br />

farming model, whereas it has been proven and emphasised many times that the most<br />

efficient and most sustainable way to address food insecurity in Africa is to promote<br />

small-scale farming, which tends to be more productive, more redistributive, and more<br />

sustainable. 277 It is for this reason for instance that the EU considers that “sustainable<br />

small-scale food production should be the focus of EU assistance to increase<br />

availability of food in developing countries.” 278<br />

Yet, it is striking to note that agrofuels are produced and/or planned to be<br />

produced in some of the most food insecure countries in Africa. For instance, in<br />

Mozambique, where approximately 35% of households are chronically food insecure, a<br />

mere 32,000 hectares out of the 433,000 approved for agriculture investment between<br />

2007 and 2009 were for food crops, reflecting a lack of strategies to ensure that<br />

energy and food investments by other countries do not override agricultural interests of<br />

grassroots communities. 279 The case studies presented in this report suggest the<br />

same. And the contracts signed by the investors generally do not provide any<br />

protection of the right to food. Amongst the twelve large-scale land deals reviewed by<br />

the IIED, most of them appear to not create any safeguard to ensure that local food<br />

security needs are met, allowing unlimited and unrestricted exports when food is<br />

produced. 280<br />

62

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