(Bio)Fueling Injustice? - Europafrica
(Bio)Fueling Injustice? - Europafrica
(Bio)Fueling Injustice? - Europafrica
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mechanisms in African countries to protect vulnerable populations and ensure that<br />
their rights are respected are weak and largely ineffective. 369 The lack of information<br />
and consultation observed in many cases is confirmed by the Malian example in 4.2.<br />
And when the law is breached, victims have no real recourse they can turn to.<br />
As a result, agrofuel land deals generally fail to profit to the local population, and in<br />
some cases, to the host states’ interests. 370 Benefiting from bi-lateral investment<br />
treaties or a legal environment that strongly protect them, 371 large investors try to use<br />
the governance gap of the host countries to secure the best possible deals. 372<br />
Moreover, it has for instance been reported that in Mozambique, national economic<br />
priorities give district authorities stronger incentives to promote the interests of<br />
investors over local communities. 373 This finding reflects a broader study on agrofuel<br />
land deals which concludes that in actual negotiations, host government agencies<br />
invariably align with the investor rather than the local people. 374<br />
The amount of money at stake in agrofuel-related projects and the promises made at<br />
to the populations also create tensions in host countries, at the national and at the<br />
local level, within the communities. Governments are for instance often eager to<br />
declare land to be unused or unoccupied to attract foreign investments, although there<br />
may be multiple claims on the same land, creating major conflicts for example in<br />
Tanzania and Ethiopia. 375 The Senegalese case study presented above demonstrates<br />
how glossy infrastructure development and wage promises can lead a peaceful<br />
community to tear over the desirability of an investment project. Undelivered services,<br />
high level of inequalities, and appropriation of the resources by foreigners or local<br />
elites generate additional resentment and lay the ground for conflicts. 376 This can have<br />
dramatic consequences, as it was recently the case in Fanaye (northern Senegal),<br />
where a disputed biofuels project triggered violent clashes between villagers during<br />
which 2 people were been killed and 22 other injured. The residents the village,<br />
situated in the Senegal River valley, near the Mauritanian border, one of the country's<br />
main areas of agricultural production, attacked each other with sticks and machetes in<br />
a dispute over the project which will see 20,000 hectares given to an Italian investor to<br />
cultivate sweet potatoes for the production of biofuels. IT was reported that a local<br />
organisation defending land rights in the village said the project would lead to<br />
“displacement of villages, destruction of cattle and desecration of cemeteries and<br />
mosques.” 377<br />
Such potential for conflicts has been anticipated by the World Bank, which warned in<br />
2009 that rising demand for bioenergy may lead to rapid expansion of large<br />
plantations which could, where land rights are not well defined, result in conflict.<br />
Source of conflicts specifically identified include land appropriation by large private<br />
entities, forced reallocations by the government in places where the land is owned by<br />
the state, or government mandates to plant certain crops. 378 Furthermore, large-scale<br />
intensive agrofuel production similar to that in Latin America would, according to the<br />
Bank, likely result in some land-use conflicts. 379 These risks outlined by the World<br />
Bank exactly correspond to the agrofuel investment situation in Africa, and the<br />
example of other continents show what Africa can expect if agrofuels keep on<br />
developing.<br />
73