Understanding global security - Peter Hough
Understanding global security - Peter Hough
Understanding global security - Peter Hough
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ECONOMIC THREATS TO SECURITY<br />
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Greater emphasis on ‘technology transfers’ from North to South in aid and<br />
development programmes.<br />
Establishment of ‘Common Funds’ to stabilize the <strong>global</strong> price of primary<br />
products on which many LDCs are dependent.<br />
Reform of the World Bank and IMF so that LDCs have a greater say in decisionmaking<br />
and that the conditions for IMF loans are less austere.<br />
As the 1974 General Assembly vote indicates, the NIEO was something broader<br />
than a wish list of the world’s underprivileged. Many similar themes were taken up<br />
by the Reports of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues<br />
(Brandt Reports) of the late 1970s and early 1980s, a fairly conservative think-tank<br />
set up at the suggestion of the American President of the World Bank, Robert<br />
McNamara. The Brandt Reports upheld the virtues of liberalizing trade but advocated<br />
greater international cooperation to cushion LDCs from the insecurities of free trade<br />
and help them to help themselves. Specifically on the question of hunger the Brandt<br />
reports advocated greater food aid, the establishment of a <strong>global</strong> grain reserve, less<br />
agricultural protectionism (<strong>global</strong> trade liberalization had concentrated on industrial<br />
protectionism) and, more radically, land reform in LDCs to empower the poor (ICIDI<br />
1980: 90–104).<br />
Failure of certain states to encourage modernization<br />
The orthodox position on poverty, held by most statesmen of the <strong>global</strong> North, argues<br />
that it can be eradicated by those countries affected pursuing economic development<br />
of the kind experienced by northern states. This view stands in direct opposition<br />
to the Marxist–Structuralist perspective by advocating that LDCs can best mimic<br />
northern development by integrating themselves into the <strong>global</strong> economy to permit<br />
export-oriented industries to flourish and gain from the inward investment provided<br />
by multi-national corporations. In this way the conditions for modernization can be<br />
created; wealth, democracy, education, state-welfarism and smaller families; all of<br />
which serve to alleviate poverty. The clearest articulation of this view came from the<br />
influential US economic historian Rostow with his ‘Stages of Growth’ thesis in the<br />
1960s. Rostow analysed the process of development in the North and concluded that<br />
all states pass through similar stages of progression towards ‘take-off’ and an end<br />
stage of a wealthy consumer-driven society (Rostow 1960).<br />
The failure of many LDCs to show any sign of such progression over the last<br />
40 years has dented the rigour of Rostow’s thesis, but the orthodox position on development<br />
remains dominant in the discourse on international economic relations. The<br />
successful economic development of the Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs),<br />
such as the ‘Asian Tigers’ of Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong and Singapore, after<br />
opening themselves up to foreign investment and developing export-oriented manufacturing<br />
industries, served to reinforce the notion that a <strong>global</strong> route out of poverty<br />
is at hand for those states stuck in pre-modernity. By the end of the twentieth century<br />
this, allied to the fact that the ‘Third World’ were no longer able to exploit First<br />
World–Second World rivalry to their advantage, allowed orthodoxy on development<br />
to reassert itself against the challenge posed by the NIEO in the 1970s and 1980s.<br />
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