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Understanding global security - Peter Hough

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ECONOMIC THREATS TO SECURITY<br />

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Greater emphasis on ‘technology transfers’ from North to South in aid and<br />

development programmes.<br />

Establishment of ‘Common Funds’ to stabilize the <strong>global</strong> price of primary<br />

products on which many LDCs are dependent.<br />

Reform of the World Bank and IMF so that LDCs have a greater say in decisionmaking<br />

and that the conditions for IMF loans are less austere.<br />

As the 1974 General Assembly vote indicates, the NIEO was something broader<br />

than a wish list of the world’s underprivileged. Many similar themes were taken up<br />

by the Reports of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues<br />

(Brandt Reports) of the late 1970s and early 1980s, a fairly conservative think-tank<br />

set up at the suggestion of the American President of the World Bank, Robert<br />

McNamara. The Brandt Reports upheld the virtues of liberalizing trade but advocated<br />

greater international cooperation to cushion LDCs from the insecurities of free trade<br />

and help them to help themselves. Specifically on the question of hunger the Brandt<br />

reports advocated greater food aid, the establishment of a <strong>global</strong> grain reserve, less<br />

agricultural protectionism (<strong>global</strong> trade liberalization had concentrated on industrial<br />

protectionism) and, more radically, land reform in LDCs to empower the poor (ICIDI<br />

1980: 90–104).<br />

Failure of certain states to encourage modernization<br />

The orthodox position on poverty, held by most statesmen of the <strong>global</strong> North, argues<br />

that it can be eradicated by those countries affected pursuing economic development<br />

of the kind experienced by northern states. This view stands in direct opposition<br />

to the Marxist–Structuralist perspective by advocating that LDCs can best mimic<br />

northern development by integrating themselves into the <strong>global</strong> economy to permit<br />

export-oriented industries to flourish and gain from the inward investment provided<br />

by multi-national corporations. In this way the conditions for modernization can be<br />

created; wealth, democracy, education, state-welfarism and smaller families; all of<br />

which serve to alleviate poverty. The clearest articulation of this view came from the<br />

influential US economic historian Rostow with his ‘Stages of Growth’ thesis in the<br />

1960s. Rostow analysed the process of development in the North and concluded that<br />

all states pass through similar stages of progression towards ‘take-off’ and an end<br />

stage of a wealthy consumer-driven society (Rostow 1960).<br />

The failure of many LDCs to show any sign of such progression over the last<br />

40 years has dented the rigour of Rostow’s thesis, but the orthodox position on development<br />

remains dominant in the discourse on international economic relations. The<br />

successful economic development of the Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs),<br />

such as the ‘Asian Tigers’ of Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong and Singapore, after<br />

opening themselves up to foreign investment and developing export-oriented manufacturing<br />

industries, served to reinforce the notion that a <strong>global</strong> route out of poverty<br />

is at hand for those states stuck in pre-modernity. By the end of the twentieth century<br />

this, allied to the fact that the ‘Third World’ were no longer able to exploit First<br />

World–Second World rivalry to their advantage, allowed orthodoxy on development<br />

to reassert itself against the challenge posed by the NIEO in the 1970s and 1980s.<br />

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