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Understanding global security - Peter Hough

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HEALTH THREATS TO SECURITY<br />

country, which can best be described as a policy of denial. Mbeki has regularly<br />

downplayed the significance of AIDS in South Africa and even disputed the almost<br />

universally accepted link between the disease and Human Immunodeficiency Virus<br />

(HIV). States have lost huge slices of income as a result of international panic in the<br />

response to an epidemic. Tourism to the UK was affected by the 2001 outbreak of ‘foot<br />

and mouth’ even though it was a cattle disease and represented no threat to human<br />

life. The likelihood is that many human lives have been sacrificed on the altars of<br />

profit and national pride.<br />

Cultural <strong>global</strong>ization<br />

The diffusion of disease around the world is not entirely a one-way process of transmission<br />

from South to North. Globalization has also seen certain non-communicable<br />

‘lifestyle illnesses’, associated with mass-consumption societies of the <strong>global</strong> North,<br />

head southwards as people in LDCs adopt some of the unhealthy practices associated<br />

with modernization. The consumption of high-fat and high-sugar foods, for example,<br />

has led to previously minor health problems such as obesity, heart disease and<br />

diabetes becoming more prominent in many LDCs. Tobacco smoking has become<br />

more common in a number of LDCs (encouraged by northern MNCs faced with a<br />

declining market at home), leading to a rise in lung cancer. Alcohol and narcotic<br />

drugs in LDCs may not be being supplied by the North but their increased usage,<br />

and associated problems of addiction and infection via needles, is believed to be<br />

a cultural import (McMurray and Smith 2001).<br />

Non-communicable diseases account for 59 per cent of all deaths in the world.<br />

Malignant neoplasms (cancers) taken collectively amount to the world’s biggest<br />

killer, with an annual death toll of 6.9 million, slightly above ischaemic heart disease<br />

(see Table 7.3).<br />

The development of <strong>global</strong> health policy<br />

The transnational threat posed by infectious disease epidemics has long been<br />

apparent to statesmen and participants in international commerce but countermeasures<br />

were slow to develop owing to an absence of any real epidemiological<br />

understanding of contagious diseases not spread directly by human to human (such<br />

as leprosy). The first systematic political measures to contain the international spread<br />

of disease can be dated back to fourteenth-century Venice and the origins of imposing<br />

a quarantine on people arriving from certain countries. Ships which had come from<br />

or visited ports known to be afflicted with the Black Death were required by law<br />

to wait docked at sea for 30 days, before being allowed to land if no evidence of the<br />

plague was apparent. This procedure was referred to as ‘trentina’ from the Latin for<br />

30, and when in the next century the time scale was extended to 40 days it became<br />

known as ‘quarantine’ from the Latin for 40 days.<br />

Other European states adopted similar quarantine measures over the<br />

next three centuries, but coordinated international action to combat the spread of<br />

disease was not attempted until the mid-nineteenth century, when the unprecedented<br />

160

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