Understanding global security - Peter Hough
Understanding global security - Peter Hough
Understanding global security - Peter Hough
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SECURITY AND SECURITIZATION<br />
‘high’ and ‘low’ politics in their policy-making best serve the national interest.<br />
Individual concerns with health, welfare and other ‘low politics’ issues are the stuff<br />
of domestic politics and need to be kept separate from the ‘high politics’ of state<br />
<strong>security</strong>. This approach was justified on the premise that failing to deter or losing a<br />
war would undermine the satisfaction of low politics aspirations. Individual interests<br />
were inextricably tied up in the national interest. Hence in the UK in the late 1940s<br />
society tolerated food rationing while the government poured the country’s shrunken<br />
exchequer into developing atomic weapons. Individual hardship was considered a<br />
price worth paying to avert the potentially catastrophic hardship of failing to deter<br />
aggression from the Soviet Union.<br />
The conundrum that emerges from assuming that a state’s <strong>security</strong> is achieved<br />
by it pursuing the maximization of its own power is that all states cannot simultaneously<br />
follow this prescription. The <strong>security</strong> of one’s own state is likely to be<br />
enhanced at the expense of another state in what has been termed the <strong>security</strong><br />
dilemma. For Realists the <strong>security</strong> dilemma is averted by their faith in the balance of<br />
power. The balance of power keeps a sense of order to the ‘anarchical society’ (Bull<br />
1977) of states through the mutual interest of the most powerful among them to work<br />
together and preserve the status quo. The <strong>security</strong> of the most powerful states rests<br />
on not allowing any one of them to tip the balance by becoming too powerful. For<br />
classical realists, then, International Relations was pretty much synonymous with<br />
Security Studies.<br />
The rise in significance of economic interactions between states in the 1960s<br />
and 1970s broadened the focus of International Relations beyond military power<br />
politics to incorporate economic power issues. Realist thought metamorphosed into<br />
‘Neo-realism’, which maintained the focus on states and the pursuit of power but<br />
accepted that not everything that happens in the world is determined by military<br />
might. States could become powerful by concentrating on their economies (such as<br />
West Germany and Japan), being lucky enough to possess a key economic resource<br />
(such as the oil producing states) or by exerting diplomatic influence in the world<br />
without the resort to arms or threat of armed action. In light of this a new subdiscipline<br />
of International Relations emerged considering such matters, International<br />
Political Economy (IPE). For (Neo-)realists then, Security Studies became the military<br />
arm of International Relations and IPE its economic sister.<br />
Pluralism<br />
Pluralism emerged as a paradigm of International Relations from the 1960s, made up<br />
of scholars unconvinced that Neo-realism had evolved far enough from Realism to<br />
take account of the changes that had occurred in the world since the 1940s. It began<br />
to be argued that adding the pursuit of economic power to the pursuit of military<br />
power by states was still too simplistic an understanding of politics in the world.<br />
Pluralists, as the term implies, consider that a plurality of actors, rather than just<br />
states, exert influence on the world stage. State dominance of international relations<br />
was being eroded from above and below, the Pluralists contended. IGOs (such as the<br />
European Community and organizations of the United Nations) had become more<br />
than expedient alliances and come to mould state policies together in common<br />
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