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Understanding global security - Peter Hough

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ENVIRONMENTAL THREATS TO SECURITY<br />

endangered by the fact that states continued to exploit or pollute them oblivious to<br />

the fact that the cumulative effect of this would eventually be their ruin or depletion<br />

(Hardin 1968).<br />

The Tragedy of the Commons concept became influential in the early 1970s<br />

with concerns that the economic <strong>security</strong> of the developed world could be imperilled<br />

by the earth as a whole exceeding its ‘carrying capacity’. One manifestation of this<br />

was the rise of international political action on population control (see Chapter 4),<br />

another was the popularization of the ‘limits to growth’ thesis which argued that<br />

increases in industrial production and economic growth in developed countries would<br />

have to be checked. Two very different solutions to the Tragedy of the Commons<br />

parable can be found. First, you could have informed collective management to<br />

regulate use of the village green for the benefit of all. Second, you could abandon<br />

the idea of common land and divide the green up into individual holdings in the<br />

expectation that each plotholder would graze sustainably, as it would be in their<br />

own interests to do so since the costs could not be externalized as before. At the<br />

<strong>global</strong> level both types of solutions are evident in the development in the 1970s of<br />

international law for a ‘commons’ already subject to many centuries of contention, the<br />

high seas. The ‘Common Heritage of Mankind’ principle agreed to at Stockholm<br />

was crystallized ten years later as part of the Third UN Conference on the Law of<br />

the Sea (UNCLOS III) with the agreement that deep seabed minerals would be the<br />

property of the International Seabed Authority. This form of collective management<br />

to sustain collective goods can be contrasted with the encroachment on the tradition<br />

of the ‘freedom of the seas’ by the huge growth of waters claimed by states in the<br />

legitimization at UNCLOS III of 200-mile ‘Exclusive Economic Zones’ (EEZs).<br />

Although EEZs, on the one hand, could easily be accounted for by a conventional<br />

Realist analysis of coastal states maximizing their power, the rationale offered for<br />

their creation was that fish stocks and other resources would be utilized more<br />

sustainably if under sovereign jurisdiction rather than subject to a ‘free-for-all’.<br />

The gradual appreciation of three other challenges posed by environmental<br />

change questions to conventional state-to-state relations since the mid-1980s has<br />

elevated this realm of international politics to a higher diplomatic level and securitized<br />

some of the issues.<br />

Localised environmental problems can<br />

become <strong>global</strong> problems<br />

Although transboundary pollution and the management of the <strong>global</strong> commons were,<br />

by the 1980s, firmly on the international political agenda, the majority of the harmful<br />

effects of environmental change seemed only to be felt locally and as such were of<br />

little concern to the international community. Domestic legislation in the developed<br />

world had banned the use of notoriously polluting chemicals like DDT and curbed<br />

the excesses of industrial emissions and waste disposal, leading to visible improvements<br />

in animal conservation and better standards of human health. However, the<br />

emergence of evidence that seemingly remote problems, experienced primarily in<br />

LDCs, had wider repercussions served to bring a number of new environmental<br />

issues to <strong>global</strong> political prominence.<br />

138

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