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Understanding global security - Peter Hough

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SOCIAL IDENTITY AS A THREAT TO SECURITY<br />

Convention on the Human Rights of the Disabled were postponed when a number<br />

of states’ delegates indicated that they considered the disabled to be already adequately<br />

covered in existing human rights legislation (O’Reilly 2003). Disabled rights<br />

have advanced significantly in most countries over recent decades but the fact that<br />

80 per cent of the world’s disabled people live in LDCs, where the means of facilitating<br />

their involvement in social and economic life may be absent even if the will is present,<br />

serves to heighten their vulnerability. An umbrella pressure group network, the<br />

International Disability Alliance, are at the forefront of the campaign to plug this gap<br />

and establish a UN convention for the disabled. It is envisaged that such a convention<br />

would outlaw existing threats, such as forced sterilizations and abortions, and, in<br />

general, ensure a better quality of life for the disabled through fuller participation<br />

in society.<br />

The 1999 Pinochet Case, when the British government rejected a Spanish prosecutor’s<br />

request to extradite the former Chilean President who was visiting the UK,<br />

proved to be a key test case for the status of politicide in international law. UK courts<br />

would not accept the Spanish grounds of genocide as a basis for handing over the<br />

former tyrant since his crimes were targeted against leftist opponents rather than a<br />

national or religious minority (Robertson 2000: 229). However, although the Pinochet<br />

Case outcome disappointed human rights activists, it was still a significant step<br />

forward for <strong>global</strong> policy. Pinochet was released and allowed to return to Chile due<br />

to ill health but the UK Law Courts made it clear that his crimes did amount to ‘crimes<br />

against humanity’, against which sovereignty was no defence. The UK verdict also<br />

indicated that diplomatic immunity (Pinochet claimed this as a former President and<br />

‘life Senator’) was no protection against such crimes. The ICC looks set to finally end<br />

the anomally of this most heinous and widespread of crimes being overlooked in<br />

international human rights law.<br />

Politicide<br />

Towards universalism<br />

As previously referred to in considering the case of humanitarian intervention, the<br />

chief moral objection to the universal application of human rights is the position<br />

commonly known as cultural relativism. This position argues that the world’s cultural<br />

diversity makes any attempt to apply rights universally, at best, difficult and, at worst,<br />

an immoral imposition of dominant cultural traits (see Table 5.6). President Jiang<br />

Zemin of China articulated this view on his state visit to the USA in 1997 in defending<br />

his government from criticisms of its human rights record. ‘The theory of relativity<br />

worked out by Mr Einstein, which is in the domain of natural science, I believe<br />

can be applied in the political field. Democracy and human rights are relative concepts<br />

and not absolute’ (Kaiser 1997).<br />

Zemin’s statement in support of cultural relativism came 50 years after the first<br />

major articulation of this viewpoint in international politics in the run up to the 1948<br />

Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Concerns at the notion of a <strong>global</strong> bill of<br />

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