Understanding global security - Peter Hough
Understanding global security - Peter Hough
Understanding global security - Peter Hough
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HEALTH THREATS TO SECURITY<br />
continued to be attacked by the US Right, however, as epitomized by the article ‘WHO<br />
Prescribes Socialist Medicine’ which appeared in the Wall Street Journal in 1996<br />
(Peeters 1996). Brundtland’s reforms were welcomed in the USA but, in 2001, the<br />
Bush (Jr) administration revived UN scepticism by trying to get WHA agreement for<br />
a cut in the US share of the WHO regular budget from 25 per cent to 22 per cent.<br />
Hence, entering the twenty-first century, the WHO found itself criticized on two<br />
fronts and its overall direction caught between that advocated by vertical ‘eradicationsits’<br />
(Godlee 1995) and horizontal proponents of containment. Brundtland’s<br />
stewardship saw the WHO become more open and cost-efficient, to the satisfaction<br />
of the USA and other major donor states, but it has not been afraid to court corporate<br />
displeasure. This was evident in the revamping of the anti-tobacco campaign,<br />
so that a Framework Convention Tobacco Control could be opened for signature<br />
in 2003, and in a campaign in support of the ‘essential drugs’ programme which<br />
spawned two significant legal victories in 2001. Several US American pharmaceutical<br />
firms and the US government were persuaded to drop legal challenges preventing<br />
South African and Brazilian firms from marketing cheaper versions of generic HIV<br />
drugs. In both instances the legal cases had sought to uphold WTO Trade Related<br />
Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). A <strong>global</strong> public outcry over the cases prompted<br />
the backdown and marked a significant victory in this particular recurring clash<br />
between competing international laws satisfying the sometimes rival values of wealth<br />
maximization and human <strong>security</strong>.<br />
The WHO’s twin funding mechanism may cause confusion and draw criticism<br />
from two directions, but it does allow the organization to continue to attract public<br />
and private monies for high-profile campaigns, while persisting with a more socially<br />
oriented functionalist political direction driven by the organization itself. The<br />
British Medical Journal in a 2002 editorial declared its qualified support for the twin<br />
track approach: ‘both [horizontal and vertical programmes] are needed. Vertical programmes<br />
will be unsustainable without well functioning healthcare systems, but<br />
vertical programmes on, for example, immunization can achieve a great deal rapidly’<br />
(Smith 2002: 55).<br />
Global public and private partnerships<br />
The bureaucratic centralization of the WHO introduced by Brundtland ‘to make<br />
WHO one – not more than fifty’ (Brundtland 1999b) has been accompanied by<br />
the partial outsourcing of some of its vertical operations into ‘Global Public and<br />
Private Partnerships (GPPPs) (Buse and Walt 2000). Enterprises such as the Global<br />
Programme to Eradicate Filariasis (GPEF), Guinea Worm Eradication Programme<br />
and (the largest of all) the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria have<br />
brought in substantial extra-budgetary funds, while retaining links with the WHO<br />
as only one of a number of ‘partner’ institutions. This represented a trend throughout<br />
the UN system from the 1990s in an effort to bring in funds and revitalize the<br />
specialized agencies. Public health has been the most prominent of the issues affected<br />
owing to the centrality of the private chemical manufacturing industry to any<br />
immunization or pest control scheme. Corporations in recent years have become<br />
more concerned with their public image and have provided much-needed cash<br />
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