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Understanding global security - Peter Hough

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SOCIAL IDENTITY AS A THREAT TO SECURITY<br />

Table 5.4 (continued)<br />

Intervention Interveners Humanitarian spur<br />

Somalia 1992–93 UN Restore order amid Civil War<br />

Haiti 1994–97 UN Restore democracy and order<br />

following military coup<br />

Sierra Leone 1997 ECOWAS Restore order amid Civil War<br />

Kosovo (Yugoslavia) 1999 NATO Protect Kosovar Albanians from<br />

Serb massacres<br />

East Timor (Indonesia) 1999<br />

INTERFET a<br />

(Australia, UK, Thailand,<br />

Philippines and others)<br />

Maintain order in transition to<br />

independence<br />

Note: a International Force East Timor. Also involved were Brazil, Canada, Denmark, Egypt, Fiji, France, Germany,<br />

Ireland, Italy, Jordan, Kenya, Malaysia, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, the Republic of Korea, Singapore and<br />

the United States.<br />

and the convention on non-interference in another state’s affairs but Chapter 7<br />

suggests that extreme humanitarian abuses can constitute a ‘threat to peace’,<br />

legitimizing intervention.<br />

The main arguments against humanitarian intervention can be summarized as<br />

follows.<br />

Abuse of the concept<br />

One man’s humanitarian intervention is always another man’s imperialist or balance<br />

of power-inspired venture. All the interventions listed in Table 5.4 were opposed by<br />

some states, unconvinced by moral assuasions of the intervener. In all cases other<br />

motivations for intervention can easily be found. The Tanzanian and Vietnamese<br />

interventions of the late 1970s overthrew two of the vilest governments in history<br />

but were almost universally condemned in the democratic world, assuming the<br />

missions were driven by power (in the former) and both power and ideology (in the<br />

latter). It was notable that NATO’s 1999 action in Yugoslavia was ‘sold’ to the general<br />

public of the intervening countries more on the grounds of maintaining European<br />

order than as averting humanitarian catastrophe. Some measure of self-interest,<br />

alongside compassion for others, appeared to be necessary to justify going to war.<br />

Inconsistency in application of the concept<br />

The various European interventions in the Ottoman Empire which set the precedent<br />

for applying Grotian morality in international affairs also helped to undermine the<br />

concept of humanitarian intervention and increase cynicism about it as a workable<br />

119

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