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Understanding global security - Peter Hough

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TOWARDS GLOBAL SECURITY<br />

selected deliberately to act as a catalyst for political ‘spillover’ into other sectors.<br />

Mitrany had little time for the EC, seeing it as a ‘top-down’ plan which would simply<br />

replace a number of states with one bigger one, rather than fundamentally changing<br />

international relations.<br />

Neo-functionalism was devised and embraced for the EC experiment for pragmatic<br />

rather than idealistic reasons. It was a half-way house between functionalism<br />

and federalism inspired by the fact that both theories appeared hopelessly utopian<br />

by the 1950s. Federalism on a limited regional scale had failed to get off the ground<br />

and the functional international organizations which inspired Functionalism remained<br />

limited in influence and still controlled by governments. By the 1990s the continuation<br />

of integration without any real likelihood of a United States of Europe emerging from<br />

it, despite a revival of the direct approach to its achievement, prompted a new<br />

theoretical approach to explain what was happening. The Consociationalist theory<br />

of European integration contended that the states of the now restyled European<br />

Union would continue to merge economically and politically, not inspired by any holy<br />

grail of an idealized end-state but through pragmatic, economic necessity (Taylor<br />

1991). Hence, from this perspective, the launch of a single EU currency did not<br />

mark the beginning of the end of sovereign member states so much as the practical<br />

realization by the governments that this would speed up business and that, apart<br />

from the German mark, the national currencies were increasingly irrelevant.<br />

Neo-functionalism and Consociationalism are theories very much designed to<br />

fit the European experience but they have some currency when looking at the bigger<br />

picture. The United Nations does not have an equivalent of the European Commission<br />

to cultivate <strong>global</strong> integration from ‘above’, as neo-functionalists describe and<br />

advocate, but some of its initiatives have served to push forward the natural progress<br />

of spillover. The work of the International Law Commission and the International<br />

Criminal Court in advancing human rights law , the promotion of human <strong>security</strong> by<br />

the UNDP and Secretary Generals and the epistemic advocacy of universalist ethics<br />

by UNESCO are cases in point. UN decision-making remains inter-governmental<br />

but, there is no doubt that the myriad programmes and specialized agencies under<br />

its umbrella are more than the sum of their formal governmental parts. The less<br />

ambitious approach of Consociationalism has <strong>global</strong> application to the development<br />

of the WTO and the numerous international regimes of common rules to which<br />

governments increasingly voluntarily commit themselves in order to ease the<br />

complications of dealing with modern economic interdependence.<br />

Acting <strong>global</strong>: <strong>global</strong> solutions to <strong>global</strong><br />

problems<br />

Although contemporary international political practice marks a recognition of the<br />

fact that human and state <strong>security</strong> rest on more than the preservation of sovereignty<br />

by force, it is clear from examining the issues of <strong>global</strong> <strong>security</strong> that this has not gone<br />

far enough. The ‘cosmopolitan ethics’ of Pluralist International Relations scholars<br />

like Beitz and Liberal philosophers like Rawls found satisfaction in the late twentiethcentury<br />

codification of international human rights law and deepening economic<br />

interdependence, as they confirmed that the individual was emerging as an entity in<br />

234

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