Understanding global security - Peter Hough
Understanding global security - Peter Hough
Understanding global security - Peter Hough
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TOWARDS GLOBAL SECURITY<br />
selected deliberately to act as a catalyst for political ‘spillover’ into other sectors.<br />
Mitrany had little time for the EC, seeing it as a ‘top-down’ plan which would simply<br />
replace a number of states with one bigger one, rather than fundamentally changing<br />
international relations.<br />
Neo-functionalism was devised and embraced for the EC experiment for pragmatic<br />
rather than idealistic reasons. It was a half-way house between functionalism<br />
and federalism inspired by the fact that both theories appeared hopelessly utopian<br />
by the 1950s. Federalism on a limited regional scale had failed to get off the ground<br />
and the functional international organizations which inspired Functionalism remained<br />
limited in influence and still controlled by governments. By the 1990s the continuation<br />
of integration without any real likelihood of a United States of Europe emerging from<br />
it, despite a revival of the direct approach to its achievement, prompted a new<br />
theoretical approach to explain what was happening. The Consociationalist theory<br />
of European integration contended that the states of the now restyled European<br />
Union would continue to merge economically and politically, not inspired by any holy<br />
grail of an idealized end-state but through pragmatic, economic necessity (Taylor<br />
1991). Hence, from this perspective, the launch of a single EU currency did not<br />
mark the beginning of the end of sovereign member states so much as the practical<br />
realization by the governments that this would speed up business and that, apart<br />
from the German mark, the national currencies were increasingly irrelevant.<br />
Neo-functionalism and Consociationalism are theories very much designed to<br />
fit the European experience but they have some currency when looking at the bigger<br />
picture. The United Nations does not have an equivalent of the European Commission<br />
to cultivate <strong>global</strong> integration from ‘above’, as neo-functionalists describe and<br />
advocate, but some of its initiatives have served to push forward the natural progress<br />
of spillover. The work of the International Law Commission and the International<br />
Criminal Court in advancing human rights law , the promotion of human <strong>security</strong> by<br />
the UNDP and Secretary Generals and the epistemic advocacy of universalist ethics<br />
by UNESCO are cases in point. UN decision-making remains inter-governmental<br />
but, there is no doubt that the myriad programmes and specialized agencies under<br />
its umbrella are more than the sum of their formal governmental parts. The less<br />
ambitious approach of Consociationalism has <strong>global</strong> application to the development<br />
of the WTO and the numerous international regimes of common rules to which<br />
governments increasingly voluntarily commit themselves in order to ease the<br />
complications of dealing with modern economic interdependence.<br />
Acting <strong>global</strong>: <strong>global</strong> solutions to <strong>global</strong><br />
problems<br />
Although contemporary international political practice marks a recognition of the<br />
fact that human and state <strong>security</strong> rest on more than the preservation of sovereignty<br />
by force, it is clear from examining the issues of <strong>global</strong> <strong>security</strong> that this has not gone<br />
far enough. The ‘cosmopolitan ethics’ of Pluralist International Relations scholars<br />
like Beitz and Liberal philosophers like Rawls found satisfaction in the late twentiethcentury<br />
codification of international human rights law and deepening economic<br />
interdependence, as they confirmed that the individual was emerging as an entity in<br />
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