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The challenge of HIV/AIDS: Where does agroforestry fit in? - World ...

The challenge of HIV/AIDS: Where does agroforestry fit in? - World ...

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174<strong>World</strong> Agr<strong>of</strong>orestry <strong>in</strong>to the Futurecareful attention to gender relations, mobility<strong>of</strong> residence and control over resources<strong>in</strong> different locations is needed to maximizethe impact <strong>of</strong> agr<strong>of</strong>orestry programmes.Why are women’s rightsimportant?Property rights for women are important foragricultural productivity, women’s empowermentand household welfare. Rights toland and trees tend to shape women’s <strong>in</strong>centivesand authority to adopt agr<strong>of</strong>orestrytechnologies more than other crop varietiesbecause <strong>of</strong> the relatively long time horizonbetween <strong>in</strong>vestment and returns. Studies <strong>in</strong>Cameroon, Kenya, Mali, Uganda and Zambiahave found that tenants without longtermland rights are restricted <strong>in</strong> their rightsto plant or harvest from trees because <strong>of</strong><strong>in</strong>security <strong>of</strong> tenure (Place 1994). In communalareas <strong>of</strong> Zimbabwe, Fortmann et al.(1997) found that the potential loss <strong>of</strong> landand trees follow<strong>in</strong>g widowhood or divorcetended to make women feel <strong>in</strong>secure andlimited the amount <strong>of</strong> trees they planted onhousehold land. At the same time, womenand men were equally likely to plant treeson community woodlots because rightsover those trees derived from communitymembership and <strong>in</strong>vestment, not maritalstatus, and hence there were fewer genderdifferences <strong>in</strong> tenure security. However, differences<strong>in</strong> socioeconomic status <strong>of</strong> householdswere a bigger factor than gender differencesalone <strong>in</strong> expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g tree plant<strong>in</strong>gbehaviour overall: the poorest householdshad least ability to plant, and tended t<strong>of</strong>ocus on trees for subsistence needs, ratherthan commercialization.Because credit, extension, and other servicesare generally directed preferentially tolandowners, the agricultural productivity<strong>of</strong> women without land rights is furtherrestricted by a lack <strong>of</strong> complementary<strong>in</strong>puts. This is particularly a constra<strong>in</strong>t foragr<strong>of</strong>orestry, where access to <strong>in</strong>formationand credit are important for adoption.<strong>Where</strong> women obta<strong>in</strong> land through theirhusbands (for example, <strong>in</strong> the dual-farm<strong>in</strong>gsystems <strong>of</strong> Africa), they are <strong>of</strong>ten requiredto work on their husbands’ fields <strong>in</strong> orderto obta<strong>in</strong> their own plots for grow<strong>in</strong>g food,which restricts labour availability on women’sfields. When men are absent (due tomigration, divorce or death), the problems<strong>of</strong> labour shortage are even more serious(Davison 1988; Lastarria-Cornhiel 1997).<strong>The</strong> high labour requirements for someagr<strong>of</strong>orestry systems pose a particularproblem for women, who not only faceless control <strong>of</strong> others’ labour compared tomen, but also have high labour requirementsfor domestic tasks. Studies <strong>in</strong>dicatethat reduc<strong>in</strong>g the gap between men’s andwomen’s control over capital and <strong>in</strong>putscould <strong>in</strong>crease agricultural productivity <strong>in</strong>sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), for example, by10–20 percent (Quisumb<strong>in</strong>g 2003).<strong>The</strong>re is a grow<strong>in</strong>g body <strong>of</strong> empirical evidence<strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g that property rights raisewomen’s status <strong>in</strong> the household as well as<strong>in</strong> the community, and this translates <strong>in</strong>togreater barga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g power (Agarwal 1994;Quisumb<strong>in</strong>g 2003). When women controlresources, such as land and trees, they aremore likely to be managed <strong>in</strong> a way that isconsistent with women’s priorities. Longtermrights to land and trees also providesecurity for women <strong>in</strong> the event <strong>of</strong> widowhood,divorce or family crisis. Whetherbecause <strong>of</strong> this improved fallback positionor because <strong>of</strong> higher status, studies <strong>in</strong> variouscontexts have found that women withcontrol over land have more <strong>in</strong>fluence overdecisions at home, and may be subjectedless to domestic violence.<strong>The</strong> higher <strong>in</strong>come and stronger barga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>gpower <strong>of</strong> women with control overresources has implications for the distribution<strong>of</strong> welfare with<strong>in</strong> the household,s<strong>in</strong>ce women and men spend <strong>in</strong>comeunder their control <strong>in</strong> systematically differentways (Quisumb<strong>in</strong>g 2003). Womenare observed to spend a higher proportion<strong>of</strong> their <strong>in</strong>come on food and health care <strong>of</strong>the children (particularly <strong>of</strong> girls), whichhas important implications for overallfamily welfare and long-term poverty reduction.Thus, improv<strong>in</strong>g women’s statusand resources improves child health andnutrition (Smith et al. 2003). Trees can playa role <strong>in</strong> this, not only as an asset that may<strong>in</strong>crease women’s barga<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g power, butalso as a source <strong>of</strong> food, medic<strong>in</strong>es, andfuelwood, which all tend to be importantto women.<strong>The</strong> complexity surround<strong>in</strong>gwomen’s rightsIt is one th<strong>in</strong>g to recognize the importance<strong>of</strong> women’s rights, but quite another tostrengthen them, particularly concern<strong>in</strong>gland and trees. It is important to beg<strong>in</strong>with an understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> exist<strong>in</strong>g rightssystems, which <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>in</strong>volve complexrelationships between different uses andusers <strong>of</strong> the resources. Rather than simple‘ownership’ <strong>of</strong> resources, we <strong>of</strong>ten f<strong>in</strong>dseparate bundles <strong>of</strong> rights; for example,one person may have the right to plant atree and use its fruits, another to grow anannual crop on the land around the trees,and a third to graze their flocks on theland <strong>in</strong> the dry season. In other situations,one person has the right to use the land,but another holds the controll<strong>in</strong>g or decision-mak<strong>in</strong>grights. <strong>The</strong> different rights maybe held by different households (landlordand tenant), or even by different memberswith<strong>in</strong> a household (husband, wife andchildren). <strong>The</strong> duration <strong>of</strong> rights also varies,from a grow<strong>in</strong>g season (or less) to thelong term.

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