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6. ConclusionThe dynamic and open economy models portrayed in Figures 10 and 11imply that immigration does not harm resident workers in the commonsenseway in which the term “harm” is generally understood. In both <strong>of</strong> thesecases, the wage either increases or remains the same and the employment<strong>of</strong> residents is not reduced. The empirical evidence from 100 years agosuggests that wages <strong>of</strong> residents increased and the local employment <strong>of</strong>residents increased in the presence <strong>of</strong> heavy immigration. The estimatesreported by Goldin and Hatton and Williamson <strong>of</strong> a wage setback for residentworkers are only valid if we interpret them to suggest that resident wageswould have risen even faster without immigration. 13 Such a counterfactualestimate is problematic for at least two reasons. If one is looking either foran explanation <strong>of</strong> political opposition to immigration in the past, as wasGoldin or Williamson in an earlier article (1982), or if one is defendinga proposal to restrict immigration in the present, what is likely to mattermost is whether real wages fall in the presence <strong>of</strong> immigration, not whetherthe growth <strong>of</strong> real wages is slowed (Williamson 1982, 256). Second, asarticulated by Goldin and Hatton and Williamson, the counterfactuals thatthey <strong>of</strong>fer assume that there is no impact <strong>of</strong> immigration on the forwardmomentum <strong>of</strong> the economy. Yet, there is every reason to suppose thatwithout the immigration, wage growth, even in these high-wage cities,might have been slower or even halted. There is a broad consensus thatimmigration accelerated the rate <strong>of</strong> economic growth. The key mechanismsemphasized in the literature, are:• The high labor force participation rate <strong>of</strong> immigrants,• Immigration-induced capital flows from abroad,• High immigrant saving rates,• Increase in population-sensitive investment,• Economies <strong>of</strong> scale,• The roles <strong>of</strong> immigration in stimulating inventive activityand <strong>of</strong> population growth in accelerating the adoption <strong>of</strong> newtechnology,• The importation <strong>of</strong> significant stocks <strong>of</strong> human capital withoutcost to the American economy.For a review <strong>of</strong> the literature see Carter and Sutch (1999, 319-332).151In a dynamic economy there is also a more direct connection betweenimmigration and growth. The fact that immigrants opportunistically select13These authors, we think, would accept <strong>this</strong> interpretation <strong>of</strong> their findings.

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