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sending and receiving locations. Whether those networks are localor international depends upon the opportunities that a migrant familyencounters and their ability to take advantage <strong>of</strong> them. Starting from thepoint <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> migrant actors and recognizing the central importancefor them <strong>of</strong> sustaining translocal ties leads both Long and Mazzucato tointroduce innovative concepts and research methods.In analyzing translocal family relationships Norman Long expressesmisgivings about the categorical distinctions between different types <strong>of</strong>migratory movements. Instead he assumes an “actor-oriented perspective”that conceives <strong>of</strong> the members <strong>of</strong> translocal migrant networks as they arerelated to family enterprise, reproduction, and change. In a “globalizingworld” where geographical mobility, rapid transportation, and instantaneouscommunication <strong>of</strong> information are the norm, he contends, “there is no“great ontological difference divide those living ‘at home,’ in some ‘distantcity,’ or in a ‘transnational world.’” He illustrates <strong>this</strong> methodological pointwith his ethnographic research on the multi-sited and cross generationalties that link the livelihoods <strong>of</strong> Peruvian migrant family and communitymembers dispersed within and outside the country.Valentina Mazzucato and her research team discovered similar ties betweeninternal and international Ghanaian family and community networks. Byadopting a “simultaneous matched sample” research method, in whichresearchers were posted at multiple nodes <strong>of</strong> migrant networks, she and herresearch team were able to investigate the communications and exchanges<strong>of</strong> resources between network members in the Ghanaian countryside, thecapital city <strong>of</strong> Accra, and the Netherlands. The research revealed that the“mutual insurance contracts” that bind the livelihoods <strong>of</strong> network membersresulted in bi-directional exchanges <strong>of</strong> informal moral and material supportbetween sending and receiving areas, wherever the need. This simultaneous,multi-sited approach enabled the researchers to follow the give and take <strong>of</strong>mutual relations not otherwise recordable.In their chapter, J. Edward Taylor, Jorge Mora, Richard Adams, andAlejandro López-Feldman take advantage <strong>of</strong> a national Mexican survey<strong>of</strong> rural households to test the idea that migration begins with relativelywealthy community members whose networks then facilitate and reducethe cost <strong>of</strong> travel for poorer community members, whose migration soonfollows. The authors seek to determine what impact the remittances <strong>of</strong>both internal and international migrants have on poverty and incomeinequality between households. They conclude that the more closely ruralcommunities have become integrated into local and international labormarkets, the greater the impact remittances have in reducing poverty and19

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