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In some cases, families would regularly send a large volume <strong>of</strong> foodstuffs.One exceptionally large household based in Cajatambo with several sonsand daughters living in Lima, for example, sent once a month a hugepackage <strong>of</strong> about 50 kilograms <strong>of</strong> food made up <strong>of</strong> 6 kg. cheese, 1 kg.butter, ½ kg. manjarblanco (blancmange), 8 guinea pigs, half a lamb, 4 to 5kg. fresh beef (when available), 25 kg. potatoes, 6 to 7 kg. maize cobs, andabout 3 kg. each <strong>of</strong> wheat and maize flour. Yet even so, the average for thesample was still calculated at around 20 kg. consisting <strong>of</strong> potatoes, maize,wheat, beans, dried meat and cheese.Rodríquez Doig (1994) comments that many <strong>of</strong> these foods were highlyvaluedculturally by migrants because the foods formed part <strong>of</strong> the favouredcuisine <strong>of</strong> the Cajatambo region. However, several interviewees alsopointed to the fact that <strong>this</strong> was a way <strong>of</strong> saving on expenses since the prices<strong>of</strong> some items imported into the region were in fact lower in Cajatambothan in Lima. 20 Although on occasions relatives from Cajatambo wouldvisit Lima households and vice versa, the study reveals that much <strong>of</strong> themovement <strong>of</strong> goods was organized in bulk. That is, in order to reduce thecosts and speed up transportation, families would cooperate in preparingpackages together and delivering them to microbuses that run regularly toand from Lima. It is normal practice in Peru for long distance bus servicesto carry parcels and assignments <strong>of</strong> goods for special delivery. The registry<strong>of</strong> goods transported to Lima from 1988 to 1989 kept by the EmpresaMunicipal de Transportes Cajatambo indicated that the monthly volume<strong>of</strong> packages (canastas familiares) varied between 20 and 50 a month, eachweighing around 20 kg.56On the basis <strong>of</strong> these figures and an estimate <strong>of</strong> the basic food consumptionneeds for migrant families in Lima, Rodríquez Doig concludes that around50% <strong>of</strong> migrants’ subsistence requirements were met by such remittances.Although <strong>this</strong> may seem a high figure, it is worth recalling that the studywas undertaken at a critical period when Sendero was still active in thepoorer urban settlements <strong>of</strong> Lima and the nearby highlands. 21 It was also atime <strong>of</strong> deepening economic crisis when industries shed a lot <strong>of</strong> jobs, realwages dropped sharply and the percentage <strong>of</strong> households in Lima livingin chronic poverty had grown from 5 percent in 1985/1986 to 20 percentin 1990 (Ypeij, 2000, 26). 22 Hence the high level <strong>of</strong> food remittances from20For example, between 1987 and 1988 the Municipality <strong>of</strong> Cajatambo <strong>of</strong>fered lower subsidizedprices for sugar and rice produced in the coastal zone and transported to the highlands.21Rodríquez Doig records that at the time <strong>of</strong> his study (in February 1990) Sendero attacked twovehicles in Cajatambo, killing five policemen and three peasants.22In August 1990, the newly-elected President Fujimori implemented a package <strong>of</strong> tough economicmeasures designed to tackle the rapidly deteriorating economy. During <strong>this</strong> period, AnnelouYpeij (2000) undertook field research on small-scale entrepreneurs (male and female) in Limato <strong>document</strong> how they responded to these worsening conditions. She concluded that, although

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