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to the flows <strong>of</strong> goods, resources and socio-cultural items from the homebase to individual migrants and their families. The dynamic <strong>of</strong> remittanceflows is essentially a dynamic two-way process. Indeed the very idea <strong>of</strong>remitting benefits between families and communities entails understandinghow these transfers are symbolically framed and practically enacted. 17A third critical point concerns the distinction between individual/familytransfers as against more collective ones. The latter <strong>of</strong> course embracesthe organized collection and donation <strong>of</strong> funds, materials, technologies,and advice based on specialized forms <strong>of</strong> knowledge. Such collectiveendeavors have been especially important in supporting local developmentprojects in the Peruvian highlands and many were planned and launchedby formally recognized migrant clubs and regional associations.Savings or investment capital amassed by individual migrants ororganizations has sometimes been channeled through a system <strong>of</strong> matchingfunds by government development agencies. Banks and financial exchangeinstitutions have pushed for more efficient modes <strong>of</strong> transferring migrantfunds, with a view to reducing dependence on private brokers who tendto charge high fees. The exercise <strong>of</strong> making these transactions muchmore transparent and fair, however, also has some disadvantages for themigrants themselves, since the stress on greater transparency and controlnaturally gives governments increased leverage on how these financialresources are to be channeled and used. 18 Due to distance and internationalfrontier problems, these latter issues are far more critical for internationalmigrants.In the Mantaro examples, I provided a few snapshots illustrating the flow<strong>of</strong> remittances between migrants and their families and between migrantassociations and village authorities or local organizations. Such flowsare commonplace throughout Peru for all types <strong>of</strong> migrants, althoughprecise details on their form, quantity and frequency are <strong>of</strong>ten lacking.For centuries the Andean region has experienced a constant movement<strong>of</strong> people between different ecological zones and centers <strong>of</strong> employment,5217Pnina Werbner’s study <strong>of</strong> capital, gifts and <strong>of</strong>ferings among British Pakistanis provides aninsightful benchmark for analyzing the issue <strong>of</strong> remittances. As she puts it: “<strong>La</strong>bor migration as asocial relationship spanning distant countries has itself generated its unique expression <strong>of</strong> gifting.<strong>La</strong>bor migrants are, in a sense, incomplete persons, who must re-establish a bond <strong>of</strong> substance withpersons left behind” (Werbner 1990, 203).18These matters have recently been <strong>of</strong> great concern to a number <strong>of</strong> international developmentagencies, since the level <strong>of</strong> international migrant transfers has sky-rocketed over the past decade.In 2004 alone, more than 45 billion U.S. dollars flowed from the rest <strong>of</strong> the world to <strong>La</strong>tin Americaand the Caribbean in relatively small amounts <strong>of</strong> between $200 and $300 dollars each month.Workers mostly send remittances via money transfer companies or local neighborhood operatorsand not through banks. This makes it difficult to include these flows in formal financial statistics.For a fuller discussion <strong>of</strong> the economic and social dimensions <strong>of</strong> migrant remittances, see deVasconcelos (2005).

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