13.07.2015 Views

View/save PDF version of this document - La Strada International

View/save PDF version of this document - La Strada International

View/save PDF version of this document - La Strada International

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

ut case studies, including that <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> the authors, indicate that mostremittances are used to pay for daily living expenses, housing, compulsoryeducational fees, health care, and festivals. Despite indications that someportion <strong>of</strong> remittances is invested in agriculture, husbandry, fishing, andforestry, researchers and policymakers hoping that migrants would developbusinesses on the basis <strong>of</strong> new ideas, skills, and savings derived from urbanemployment have been disappointed. A major reason that remittancesgo largely to consumption, the authors contend, is that the costs <strong>of</strong> ruraleducation, health, and government administration have risen since thebeginning <strong>of</strong> rural reforms in 1978, when central government subsidiesfor these services were cut <strong>of</strong>f. As a result, increases in rural incomes fromremittances have had to be spent on basic expenses, and the accumulation<strong>of</strong> surplus savings necessary for investment has not been feasible for lowincomerural families.The issue is complicated by the difficulty <strong>of</strong> distinguishing the nature andimpacts <strong>of</strong> consumption from investment. In analyzing the uses and impacts<strong>of</strong> international remittances sent home to forty villages in Fujian Provincenear the city <strong>of</strong> Fuzhou, Zai Liang and Hideki Morooka provide a differentview, suggesting that consumption and investment are not easily separableand that can both contribute to development, depending on linkagesbetween the local and regional economy. The authors found that over 80percent <strong>of</strong> migrants sent remittances to pay for the family’s daily livingexpenses, including the care <strong>of</strong> children and the elderly, the maintenance <strong>of</strong>ancestral graves, and the construction <strong>of</strong> new houses. Less than 3 percent<strong>of</strong> emigrants sent remittances for business purposes. However, they als<strong>of</strong>ound that just over 10 percent <strong>of</strong> migrants donated funds to supportpublic projects that enhanced educational institutions, trained the futureworkforce, and created physical infrastructure, all <strong>of</strong> which contributeto economic development. Perhaps as a reflection <strong>of</strong> strong communalsolidarity, migrants from remote agricultural villages seemed most likelyto increase their support for public projects once they had paid <strong>of</strong>f largedebts incurred in being smuggled illegally into the United States. A smallminority <strong>of</strong> international migrants joined together to invest in businessesoutside <strong>of</strong> their local communities. These enterprises included <strong>of</strong>fice andresidential buildings, steel mills, brick factories, and real estate, whichcontributed to, and benefited from, the coastal industrialization that has beenleading much <strong>of</strong> China’s overall economic growth. Although remittancesentered the regional markets through different types and proportions <strong>of</strong>consumption and investment, the authors suggest that they all producedmultiplier effects and contributed to development as they spread throughlocal and regional markets. However, the integration <strong>of</strong> local and regionalmarkets in the Fuzhou area is related to the central government’s overall351

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!