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commercial, industrial and service enterprises; and <strong>of</strong> these a generousnumber <strong>of</strong> workers (including also apprentices, craftsmen, and owner/managers) came from the Mantaro region (only five hours by road) whereeducational levels were well above the average for highland locations.Moreover, a significant proportion <strong>of</strong> these small-scale enterprises, mostlyoperating in the fields <strong>of</strong> transport and commerce, were directly articulatedwith <strong>this</strong> highland region and its neighboring mining, agricultural andlivestock zones. This context laid the groundwork for the emergence<strong>of</strong> several types <strong>of</strong> multiple family-enterprises that combined differentbranches <strong>of</strong> economic activity with networks <strong>of</strong> social relations that crossedthe rural–urban divide.Such phenomena pointed to the need to move away from simple bipolarmodels <strong>of</strong> migration that focused on the movement from “place <strong>of</strong> origin”to “place <strong>of</strong> destination,” or which represented the flows <strong>of</strong> people to newlocations in terms <strong>of</strong> the “adaptation” or “adjustment” <strong>of</strong> new migrantsto their so-called “host” societies. Instead one needed to treat migratoryprocesses as essentially multi-sited and inseparable from the more generalissues <strong>of</strong> translocal livelihoods and mobility.40Hence exploration <strong>of</strong> the increasing integration <strong>of</strong> the Mantaro regioninto the metropolitan area <strong>of</strong> Lima required a detailed understanding <strong>of</strong>the organizing practices and networks that accompanied <strong>this</strong> process. Asmany Andean specialists have repeatedly demonstrated, life in the Andeshas always been characterized by a high degree <strong>of</strong> spatial movementbetween ecological zones producing a variety <strong>of</strong> products and throughwell-trodden pathways <strong>of</strong> trade and administration. Thus the notion <strong>of</strong>migrating for work to obtain access to additional resources and to improveone’s standard <strong>of</strong> living was a familiar option for many local householdersand there was an abundance <strong>of</strong> examples on hand <strong>of</strong> those who had, to adegree, already “made it.” Nevertheless, for relatively poor rural dwellers,the hazards and possible benefits <strong>of</strong> moving to a shantytown or poorinner-city neighborhood <strong>of</strong> the metropolis were daunting, and requiredstrong back-up from family, friends, compadres (ritual “co-parents”), andpaisanos (“fellow countrymen”). This conglomeration <strong>of</strong> factors providedthe breeding ground for the emergence and proliferation <strong>of</strong> migrantassociations.2.2 Migrant Associations and the Web <strong>of</strong> Rural-Urban TiesAs compared to the rest <strong>of</strong> <strong>La</strong>tin America, Peruvian urban life is strikingfor its large number <strong>of</strong> migrant associations and other kinds <strong>of</strong> civicorganizations. Many <strong>of</strong> these can be traced back to earlier periods when

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