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to jobs, savings, and networks that facilitate subsequent migration abroad.In turn, like a siphon, these internal-to-international flows leave behindan employment vacuum that draws in replacement workers to fill the jobsthat migrants leave behind. Such an effect can continue in countries <strong>of</strong>reception as the secondary migration <strong>of</strong> international migrants away fromports <strong>of</strong> entry creates openings for additional migrants from abroad. Further,the funds that overseas migrants send home to invest in businesses or tosupport family consumption can directly or indirectly increase demand foremployment and stimulate further movement <strong>of</strong> workers. If labor withina country becomes scarce, local employers may recruit outside workers,with the result that a former migrant-sending country becomes a receivingone, as in the case <strong>of</strong> Taiwan and, more recently, South Korea.Internal and international migration are also connected through ties betweenfamily members who migrate to different locations but continue to supportone another. Defining development from the perspective <strong>of</strong> migrant actorswhose goal is to promote joint family livelihoods, Norman Long describeshow, over two and three generations, Peruvian families have adopted multisitedand translocal strategies that connect their members between theiroriginal communities, urban centers within their home country, and citiesabroad. In examining migrant networks between rural and urban Ghanaand Amsterdam, Valentina Mazzucato and her research team discoveredhow much the security <strong>of</strong> network members depends on the exchange <strong>of</strong>resources between migrants based in multiple local and international sites.From the perspective <strong>of</strong> families and their extended networks, it mattersless whether migration is internal or international than whether they cangain access to needed earnings and resources, and are able to share them ina timely and complementary manner so as secure their mutual welfare andgenerational reproduction.Internal and international migrations are also linked through their combined,if somewhat different, effects on the development <strong>of</strong> migrants’ homecommunities. Edward Taylor, Jorge Mora, Richard Adams, and AlejandroLópez-Feldman found, from a national household survey in Mexico,that 13 percent <strong>of</strong> rural per capita income is derived from remittances <strong>of</strong>internal and international migrants. Because U.S. employment is morehighly remunerated, international migrants provided their households withremittances worth more than six times as much as those <strong>of</strong> internal migrants.While internal and international remittances both helped to alleviatepoverty, the authors conclude that, because international remittanceswere based on a higher rate <strong>of</strong> pay, they also increased income inequalitybetween international and internal migrant households.345

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