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Self-Esteem Research, Theory, and Practice Toward a Positive ...

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70 SELF-ESTEEM RESEARCH, THEORY, AND PRACTICEto describe such an experience <strong>and</strong> rate it according to various scales.This information was then analyzed to develop a typology of experiences,leading Epstein to conclude that “significant changes in self-concept areproduced by three broad kinds of experience, namely, exposure to a newenvironment, being required to make new responses, <strong>and</strong> establishmentor loss of significant relationships” (p. 79). Similarly, we saw in Chapter 1that self-esteem seems to be affected by value conflicts within the self(Jackson, 1984; Mruk, 1983). This happens in situations where peoplehold one basic self-value to be important but also find that it is simultaneouslyopposed by another deeply held belief. For instance, an individualcan hold independence as a self-value worthy of aspiration, but thesame person may also value security so much that he or she actuallybecomes dependent in relationships. Such value conflicts shape identity<strong>and</strong> create lively self-esteem stories that Jackson calls (1984) “centralconflicts” <strong>and</strong> that I call “self-esteem themes.”The worthiness dimension of self-esteem means that it alwaysinvolves values. Otherwise, how would we know what is worthy in thefirst place? But researching values is challenging work. For one thing,values are difficult to measure, observe, or even define. In addition, theproblem of relativity is always attached to values. Although learningtheory <strong>and</strong> post-modernism (Gergen, 1991) tempt us to say that all valuesare culturally relative, it is dangerous to maintain that culture alone determineswhat is worthy. If we did that, then we would also have to say thatpeople could be worthy (i.e., “good”) Nazis, racists, terrorists, <strong>and</strong> thelike, as long as their primary social group promoted such values. Such arelativistic position is deeply disturbing <strong>and</strong> would contradict the notionof basic human values.Instead, it might be preferable to maintain that certain pro–selfesteemvalues are universal. Though proving their existence is a dauntingtask, one could adopt an evolutionary stance on this issue <strong>and</strong> say thatthere are such values. For instance, evolution has shown that sometimescooperative values have more use than competitive ones, so it might beargued that such values as self-sacrifice <strong>and</strong> respect for it are more“worthy” of emulation than mere selfishness. It is also possible to thinkin terms of the humanistic position, which is that human beings areinnately disposed toward a hierarchy of intrinsic value. In short, the“value dimension” of self-esteem is always going to be controversial atsome level. What I do here is to point out the problem <strong>and</strong> suggest threethings to consider in regard to self-esteem. First, we will see that evidencesuggests most people in most cultures seem to be able to distinguishbetween what is deeply worthy of emulating <strong>and</strong> what is not. Second,certain values seem to have cross-cultural, if not universal, recognitionsuch as courage, self-discipline, honor, <strong>and</strong> selflessness. Third, the values

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