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Economic Report of the President

Report - The American Presidency Project

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During <strong>the</strong> 1970s, productivity growth in <strong>the</strong> United States deceleratedrapidly. Between 1948 and 1967 <strong>the</strong> growth rate <strong>of</strong> productivity(as measured by output per hour in <strong>the</strong> private business economy)was 3.1 percent, compared to 2.3 percent between 1967 and 1973and only 0.8 percent between 1973 and 198 LThe consequences <strong>of</strong> reduced productivity growth for our standard<strong>of</strong> living over <strong>the</strong> long run are greater than those <strong>of</strong> any o<strong>the</strong>r currenteconomic problem. In 1981 <strong>the</strong> American economy producedapproximately $12,780 worth <strong>of</strong> output per capita. Had productivitygrowth continued at <strong>the</strong> 1948-67 rate during <strong>the</strong> 14 years subsequentto 1967, output per capita would have reached $16,128 in1981, 26 percent higher than <strong>the</strong> actual value. As a standard <strong>of</strong> comparison,<strong>the</strong> recent recession reduced per capita output by only 4percent between <strong>the</strong> third quarter <strong>of</strong> 1981 and <strong>the</strong> fourth quarter <strong>of</strong>1982, less than one-fifth <strong>the</strong> reduction attributable to <strong>the</strong> productivityshortfall. As time passes, <strong>the</strong> consequences <strong>of</strong> reduced productivitygrowth are compounded. Increasing <strong>the</strong> productivity growth rate by2 percentage points annually would more than double our materialstandard <strong>of</strong> living by 2020, compared to <strong>the</strong> level it would reach o<strong>the</strong>rwise.The productivity slowdown is not reliably attributable to any singlecause or combination <strong>of</strong> causes. Various analysts have suggested thathigher energy prices, regulatory changes, reduced research and developmentspending, reduced opportunities for technical innovation,<strong>the</strong> changing composition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> labor force, and changing worker attitudes,as well as reduced capital formation, are responsible for <strong>the</strong>productivity slowdown. An accurate accounting <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sources <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>slowdown is probably impossible in light <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> multitude <strong>of</strong> competingexplanations and <strong>the</strong> statistical difficulties associated with distinguishingbetween <strong>the</strong>ir relative effects precisely.Many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> possible causes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> productivity slowdown are probablynot reversible through public policy. There is relatively little <strong>the</strong>Federal Government could have done to <strong>of</strong>fset <strong>the</strong> negative effect <strong>of</strong>sharp increases in oil prices or, for that matter, to influence changingcultural attitudes toward work. Changing <strong>the</strong> rate <strong>of</strong> capital formation,however, is a principal way in which Federal economic policycan affect productivity growth.Increasing <strong>the</strong> rate <strong>of</strong> capital formation will raise productivitygrowth in several ways. More rapid capital formation results, on average,in workers having more equipment at <strong>the</strong>ir disposal. In addition,increases in investment reduce <strong>the</strong> average age <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital stock,permitting physical assets to embody more recent technological innovations.Technological development and <strong>the</strong> level <strong>of</strong> capital formationare intertwined, because <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> more efficient and83

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