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minimize a number of attempts at fomenting insurgency, was probably more important.The initial insurrectionary movements were the work of exiles from the 1947 Civil War, largelyfrom the poor north of Paraguay, centered around Concepcion, and mostly from the Liberal Party youthmovement. It is probably no accident that today’s EPP home turf is also in and around Concepcion.The exiles created two guerrilla movements in Argentina. The 14th of May movement, or M14, wascreated in Buenos Aires in 1958, before the overarching influence of the Cuban revolution. Between1959 and 1960 the M14 carried out several invasions from Argentina that were defeated each time byaggressive Paraguayan military action. The United Front for National Liberation (FULNA), formedin 1959 and including the Communist Party of Paraguay (PCP), was heavily influenced by the Cubanand Marxist experience. FULNA initially developed a Cuban-inspired foco approach, implementedin 1959-1960, that proved to be as unsuccessful as the M14 invasions. After this initial failureFULNA adopted a prolonged war strategy. However, while they were able to sustain the effortsomewhat longer, this second effort also failed to gain traction. They were finally defeated in 1970.The final important attempt was carried out by the Political-Military Organization known as OPM.Inspired by neighboring urban guerrillas in Argentina, Uruguay and Brazil the OPM attempted tocreate a similar movement in Paraguay. While it proved elusive because of its clandestine cellularstructure, it too was defeated by 1978. 2The Stroessner regime was finally overthrown in a palace coup in February 1989, opening thedoor for the institution of proto-democratic government and also unleashing the development ofradical leftist political forces. Like leftist parties all over Latin America the multiple groups whichdeveloped in Paraguay followed essentially three strategies to achieve political power: 1) workingwithin the democratic system through strictly legal electoral participation and coalition building withother opposition parties, 2) a combination of legal methods (participation in electoral politics) andpeaceful illegal (protests, land invasions, etc.) to create crisis around which legal politics could makea decision, and 3) legal, peaceful illegal, and violent illegal (kidnapping, extortion, assassination, andin some cases terrorism and insurgency).Most radical left parties have opted for the first two strategic approaches, concluding that theinstitution of democratic politics throughout Latin America has made the third strategic approachcurrently unnecessary, and even counterproductive. However, some keep the third open as an option,sending members to military training with remaining regional guerrilla groups, such as the FARC,and stockpiling small caches of weapons just in case conditions make it again necessary to returnto political violence. What is also clear is that the dividing line between those endorsing the firstand second strategic approaches, and those endorsing the third is often very thin, with many peopleswitching back and forth across the line.Both Fernando Lugo, the current president of Paraguay, and the founders of the EPP, Juan Arromand Alcides Oviedo, emerged from the same part of Paraguay’s political and geographic landscape.Lugo, an open advocate of liberation theology, preached this radical doctrine when he was the Bishopof San Pedro. Although Lugo has repeatedly denied knowing members of the EPP, a high-level PatriaLibre defector claimed that EPP leader Manuel Cristaldo Mieres was the altar boy of the San PedroChurch, where Lugo was Bishop. In addition, several of the members of the EPP participated inmeetings with Lugo in Santa Rosa, where they allegedly discussed political actions such as blockingroads. 3 There is no evidence that Lugo ever endorsed future EPP leaders plans for violent insurgency,but they seem to have moved in the same political circles for several years.Juan Arrom and Alcides Oviedo were seminary students influenced by Liberation Theology.2“La Resistencia Armada a la Dictadura de Stroesnner,” NovaPolis, August 2004.3“Los EPP no son mas de 14, pero tienen apoyo de mucha gente,” Ultima Hora, October 23, 2009.4“Larga Marcha del EPP,” Ultima Hora, October 25, 2009.5“Larga Marcha del EPP,” op.cit106Security and Defense Studies Review 2009/Edición 2009/ Edicão 2009/ Volume 9, Issues 1 & 2