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politically correct at all costs. Because, as far as I
know, the question of responsibility is formulated
in a specific way in arts. Georges Bataille dubbed it
“hypermorality”. He demanded that literature admit
its guilt, but that it also “defend its own guilt”! As
for the concept of culture, I think it will be difficult
to construct an open system there, at least as long
as we’re living in nation-states. Today I find much
more acceptable, much more fruitful the strategy
that looks for opening in the existing cultural
systems, breaches in culture which have been
described, among others, by Terry Eagleton in his
book Te Idea Of Culture. So, I’ll repeat what I’ve
already said, which is what you as a magazine called
Interculturality should be especially interested in. In
my opinion, the best thing about interculturality is
the inter, because that is the point of freedom and
creation, the meeting point of all those who liberated
themselves from the shackles of culture as a system
for reproducing the ideology of the ruling elite, all
those who irritate the guardians of that system by
showing that maybe the best creations come into
being outside of it.
6. After the experience of self-isolation in the
90’s and the attempts at overcoming that state
of affairs over the past ten or so years, how
would you define the genesis of the so called
“patriotic discourse” in culture in Serbia?
It’s true that we can say that the patriotic
discourse has changed here, but not to a point where
its essence would become different. One novelty is
the attempt to connect the patriotic and nationalist
values, embodied in the defence of Kosovo as the
“heart of Serbia” − values that still reign supreme
− with the values of Western humanist civilization
embodied in the slogan “Europe has no alternatives”,
as well as the fact that they are complementary and
so to speak only forcibly separated. That’s why the
slogan “Both Europe and Kosovo” is being constantly
repeated. Together with that, the slogans and mottos
have appeared challenging the European values, in
which converging with Europe is presented as a
necessary evil, an extorted step threatening the very
foundations of the Serbian nation. Slogans such as
“Europe, but with identity” or “Europe, but with
dignity”. The fear that our precious national and
cultural identity could be lost in Europe is what the
stance of Serbian government on the protection of
medieval cultural monuments in Kosovo through
UNESCO is based on. The delegation of the Serbian
government insists that the monuments be called
Serbian monuments, as if the national denominator
− and a far-fetched one for that matter, bearing in
mind that there were no nations in existence when
the monuments were built − is what gives them
their specific value that qualifies them at UNESCO
as a part of world heritage.
7. Is the idea of global, intensive, open and creative
intercultural communication a utopian one?
No. Such communication is reality today. We
live, in great part, in a cultural interspace. Therefore,
we’re not talking about the communication between
cultures, but between those who escaped them and
found themselves in between.
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