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Despite these eff orts by the WFP, in Nepal the assump� on of the<br />

detrimental eff ects of food assistance seem to prevail, although � ll today<br />

there is a lack of empirically grounded studies that would support or dismiss<br />

such cri� que by analyzing the impacts of food assistance on recipients, and<br />

the ways it infl uences their livelihoods and longer term food security.<br />

The aim of this ar� cle is thus to contribute to fi ll this gap through an<br />

empirically grounded study on the impacts of food-for-work (FFW) as<br />

distributed by the United Na� ons World Food Programme (WFP) in the<br />

remote Mugu district of mid-western Nepal. Its objec� ve is to assess FFW’s<br />

posi� ve and nega� ve impacts on recipients’ livelihoods and their ability to<br />

deal with future shocks. The fi ndings presented in this ar� cle are the result<br />

of a two months long fi eld research in Mugu. The research was conducted<br />

between June and August 2009.<br />

Sec� on 2, introduces the theore� cal background on which food security<br />

and food assistance was based, including the en� tlements framework,<br />

research done on vulnerability to food security, and on aid-dependency.<br />

Sec� on 3 presents the fi ndings and elaborates on factors that lead to<br />

people’s vulnerability to food insecurity, and the ways they cope with the<br />

permanent food crisis. sec� on 4 outlines some observa� ons on the impact<br />

of FFW on this context. The ar� cle concludes by presen� ng some general<br />

sugges� ons for policymakers and food aid agencies.<br />

Food Insecurity and Food Assistance<br />

Assessing Food Insecurity<br />

Food security is defi ned as “a situa� on that exists when all people, at<br />

all � mes, have physical, social and economic access to suffi cient, safe and<br />

nutri� ous food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for<br />

an ac� ve and healthy life” (FAO 2002: 49). Accordingly, food insecurity is<br />

characterised as the lack of access to food (FAO 2009; Sen 1981). Amartya<br />

Sen (1981, 1984, 1995, 1999) explained food insecurity as being a result of<br />

social inequali� es and failing en� tlements. He defi nes en� tlements as<br />

“the set of alterna� ve commodity bundles that a person can command in<br />

a society using the totality of rights and opportuni� es that he or she faces”<br />

(Sen 1984: 497).<br />

En� tlement sets can be acquired through the transforma� on of a person’s<br />

endowments, the ini� al ownership of assets and resources (Sen 1981). Sen<br />

dis� nguished four types of en� tlements: produc� on based (growing food),<br />

trade based (buying or trading for food), own-labour based (working for<br />

food) and inheritance or transfer based (being given food by others, including<br />

food aid as “relief”-en� tlement) en� tlements (Devereux 2001: 246). If the<br />

full range of a person’s en� tlements does not provide them with adequate<br />

food (e.g. when dras� c food price increases disable people from purchasing<br />

food which corresponds to a decline in their trade en� tlement) they face<br />

starva� on. Hunger is thus not (always and only) caused by a decline in food<br />

availability but a result of a food en� tlement decline.<br />

Changing paradigms of aid eff ec� veness in Nepal 139

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