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For instance, despite huge investment, the number of public school is
shrinking while the number of private school is expanding. Can this be
assumed as an unintended eff ect of foreign aid against public system? This
shows that the return of educa� onal investment is not only unproduc� ve
but also harmful in many ways.
They point out the contras� ng philosophical diff erence between donors
and recipient in giving and taking foreign aid. Looking at the state of aiddriven
development process and the socio-economic stagnancy, Nepal’s
posi� on is nearer to Marxist’s theore� cal premise. The debate hence gives
an idea that the output of development process yielded more unintended
with less targeted results wherein the role of foreign aid has been crucial.
Hence, they conclude, the � me has come to recognize the answers of
development failure and illegi� macy of foreign aid in educa� on sectors.
Miriam Bishokarma presents a case study of Himalayan district in her
ar� cle “Does Food Assistance Ma� er? It is about the Impacts of Food-for-
Work in Mugu. Quo� ng Amartya Sen’s argument that food insecurity mainly
springs from social inequali� es and failing en� tlements, the author adds that
en� tlements are embedded in the poli� cal economy of a society, framed by
the ways of distribu� on of money and produc� ve resources, and by dynamic
formal and informal laws, policies and interna� onal agreements. Research
on social vulnerability to food insecurity further embedded the en� tlements
approach into a longer-term historical perspec� ve, taking into the account
famine and the recovery. So a way to reduce households’ or people’s
vulnerability to food insecurity would be to support their en� tlements by
increasing their assets and endowments on which their en� tlements are
based, or to secure them from selling their assets in � mes of crisis. This is
the idea of so called “produc� ve safety-nets.” Such a safety-net approach is
applied by “Food-For-Work” of the UN-WFP. The impacts of food assistance
are diff eren� ated into insurance- and transfer-eff ects that translate into
livelihood decisions and ac� ons. While FFW’s posi� ve contribu� on is the
relaxing of household assets constraints, and helping households to preserve
assets, it might simultaneously lead to a decline of on-farm ac� vi� es in favour
of food-for-work, or the loss of tradi� onal ecological knowledge, reducing
the longer-term coping capacity of recipients, adding up to a “dependencysyndrome.”
In Karnali region with the adult malnourishment rate of above 54 percent
is the most food insecure area in country. Especially worse is the situa� on
in Mugu district confi rmed by a sample survey, conducted in 28 percent
of the villages comprising 117 households, based on a stra� fi ed random
sampling and through various par� cipatory tools, including social mapping,
wealth ranking, seasonal calendar, and trend-analysis. The fi ndings revealed
that households are characterised by chronic food insecurity form of low
produc� on en� tlements, unreliable exchange en� tlements and diff erent
degrees of vulnerability to food insecurity, determined by broader social,
poli� cal, economical, and cultural aspects. In comparison to those working
in NGOs or governmental jobs, worse-off households o� en engage in
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