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A look at Table 1.5 and 1.6 suggests that the growth rate is a shadow<br />
or a mirror image of the poli� cal cycle. When polity is stable, the growth<br />
rate averages fi ve percent; when confl ict ensues and turns violent, it falls<br />
to three percent, and when there is a lull in the confl ict, it again goes up<br />
to four percent (panel D). As expected, when non-agricultural sectors gain<br />
prominence, the overall growth rate swings with the growth rate of this<br />
sector. Of the fi ve observa� ons in the table, it is only once the agricultural<br />
growth rate exceeds the non-agricultural growth. In HIC, agriculture grows<br />
by 3.3 percent and non-agriculture by 2.9 percent. Yet, the 3.1 percent<br />
GDP growth rate is the lowest in the series. This is because a higher growth<br />
rate in the sector with a 36.7 percent of the aggregate produc� on weight<br />
cannot compensate for a lower growth in the sector with a much higher 63.3<br />
percent produc� on weight in the GDP.<br />
Let us now briefl y refl ect on the composi� on of the total budget split<br />
between agriculture and non-agriculture. A look at panel B of table 1.6<br />
demonstrates that agriculture is being consistently marginalized. During<br />
P era, it received over 13 percent of the total budget. It dropped to 10.5<br />
percent in PD, 8.9 percent in LIC, 6.3 percent in HIC and further down to<br />
6.2 percent in PT. Except for PD phase, the same trend is evident with aid<br />
composi� on (panel C). Nevertheless, as a share of the total, the aid share to<br />
the agriculture has always remained higher than the government’s budget<br />
share to the agriculture sector. With the food defi cit widening each year, and<br />
this spilling over into the defi cit in interna� onal trade, both the government<br />
and donors as well as the private sectors should come forward aggressively<br />
in the development of the agriculture sector. To address malnutri� on, rural<br />
poverty and widening socio-economic inequality too, agriculture deserves<br />
much more than what it is ge� ng so far. Or else, neglect of agriculture and<br />
rural Nepal will again sow the seed of future confl icts in the country.<br />
As illustrated by Table 1.6 Nepal’s debt profi le is remarkably healthy.<br />
Total debt stock rose from 49.8 percent of GDP in P to 66.6 percent in the PD<br />
era. From then on, it is steadily declining as a percent of GDP. It declined to<br />
64.3 percent in LIC, 60.5 percent in HIC and further down to 43.9 percent in<br />
the PT. One interes� ng observa� on to note here is that in phase P total debt<br />
stock exceeded NAGDP by a small margin. It exceeded by a wider margin<br />
in the PD. Such margin con� nued to narrow down in LIC and HIC. In the<br />
PT phase, total debt stock amounted to only two-third of NAGDP. Of the<br />
total debt stock, external debt has always remained below NAGDP. Of the<br />
total debt stock, external debt comprised 74.4 percent in P, 79.1percent in<br />
PD, and 80.1 percent in LIC. It again dropped to 73.1 percent in HIC and to<br />
67.0 percent in PT. This means debt accumula� on grew at a pace lower than<br />
the growth rate in GDP. Another factor behind falling external debt ra� o is<br />
a falling share of loan in the total aid disbursements. Because of poli� cal<br />
expediency, Nepal for long con� nued to suff er from an underemployment<br />
equilibrium trap. Given the abundance of natural and human resources<br />
endowment, Nepal’s growth performance has always remained far below<br />
its poten� al. Once Nepal reaches the trajectory of its poten� al output, it<br />
Changing paradigms of aid eff ec� veness in Nepal 15